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Wednesday, February 10, 2010

Unseen Lessons of History Taught by BHEEL and MEENA People as the Aboriginal Indigenous Identity Has been DELETED! Economic Ethnic Cleansing is the Real History Contemporary as it had always Been Since the Destruction of Indus valley civilisation in

Unseen Lessons of History Taught by BHEEL and MEENA People as the Aboriginal Indigenous Identity Has been DELETED! Economic Ethnic Cleansing is the Real History Contemporary as it had always Been Since the Destruction of Indus valley civilisation in Aryan Invasion!

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- Two Hundred Eighty Five

Palash Biswas
outh Asian History: Pages from the History of India

Unsung Heroes of the Indian Freedom Struggle (1763-1856)

(A Brief Summary)

While much has been written on the Indian Freedom Movement as led by the Congress and Gandhi, little is known of the numerous uprisings by peasants, tribal communities, princely states and other isolated revolutionary acts of resistance against the British. Heroic acts of resistance against the British during1763 to 1857 are almost unknown. The following is a listing of armed revolts that were brutally suppressed by the British as the East Indian Company consolidated it's rule in the century preceding the 1857 revolt:-

Sanyal Revolt : 1763-1800

Dhaka: 1763

Rajshahi: 1763-4

Cooch Bihar: 1766

Patna: 1767

Jalpaiguri, Rangpur and surroundings: 1766-69, 1771, 1776

Purnea: 1770-71

Mymensingh: 1773

Midnapur: 1766-7

Dhalbhum Rajas: 1766-7

Peasant's Revolt, Tripura: 1766-8

(led by Shamsher Ghazi in Roshanabad)

Sandip Islands: 1769-70

(S. of Noakhali)

Moamarias, Jorhat/Rangpur: 1769-99

Chakmas, Chittagong: 1776-89

Gorakhpur, Basti and Bahraich: 1781

Rangpur Peasants: 1783

Sylhet: 1787-99

Radharam: 1787

Khasi revolt: 1788

Agha Muhammad Reza: 1799

Birbhum, Bishnupur: 1788-9

Bakarganj Peasants: 1792

Vizianagram: 1794

Poligars Uprising: 1795-1805

included Tinnevelly, Ramanathapuram, Sivaganga, Sivagiri, Madurai, N. Arcot

Chuar Peasants, Midnapur: 1799

Bednur: 1799-1800

Vaji Ali, Awadh: 1799

Ganjam, Gumsur: 1800, 1835-7

Palamau: 1800-2

Vellore Mutiny: 1806

Bhiwani: 1809

Naik Revolt: 1810-16

(in Bhograi, Midnapur)

Travancore: 1808-9

(under Velu Thambi)

Bundelkhand Chiefs: 1808-12

Abdul Rahman, Surat: 1810

Benaras Hartal/Agitation: 1810-11

Parlakimedi, W. Ganjam: 1813-34

Kutch: 1815-32

Rohilla Revolt: 1816

(included Bareilly, Pilbhit, Shahjahanpur, Rampur)

Hathras: 1817

Paiks: 1817-18

(included Cuttack, Khurda, Pipli, Puri)

Bhils: 1817-31, 1846, 1852

(included Khandesh, Dhar, Malwa)

Kols: 1820-37

(included Sighbhum, Chota Nagpur, Sambhalpur, Ranchi, Hazari Bagh, Palamau, Chaibasa)

Mers, Marwar 1819-21

Gujars, Kunja: 1824

Sindgi, Bijapur: 1824

Bhiwani, Rewari, Hissar, Rohtak: 1824-26

Kalpi: 1824

Kittur, Belgaum: 1824-29

Kolis: 1828-30, 39, 1844-48

Ramosis, Pune: 1826-29

Garos: 1825-27, 1832-34

(Also known as the Pagal Panthis Revolt - in Sherpur, Mymensigh distt.)

Assam: 1828-30

(included Gadadhar Singh 1828-30, Kumar Rupchand 1830)

Khasis: 1829-33

(led by Tirot Singh)

Sighphos: 1830-31, 43

(Assam/Burma border)

Akas: 1829, 1835-42


Wahabis: 1830-61

(spread from Bengal, Bihar to Punjab and NWFP)

Titu-Mir, 24-Parganas: 1831

Mysore Peasants: 1830-31

Vishakapatnam: 1830-33

Bhumij, Manbhum: 1832

Coorg: 1833-4

Gonds, Sambhalpur: 1833

Naikda, Rewa, Kantha: 1838

Farazis, Faripur: 1838-47

Khamtas, Sadiya-Assam: 1839

Surendra Sai, Sambhalpur: 1839-62

Badami: 1840

Bundelas, Sagar: 1842

Salt Riots, Surat: 1844

Gadkari, Kolhapur: 1844

Savantvadi, N. Konkan: 1844-59

Narasimha Reddy, Kurnool: 1846-7

Khonds, Orissa: 1848

Nagpur: 1848

Garos, Garo Hills: 1848-66

Abors, NE Hills: 1848-1900

Lushais, Lushai Hills: 1840-92

Nagas: Naga Hills: 1849-78

Umarzais: Bannu: 1850-2

Survey Riots: Khandesh: 1852

Saiyads of Hazara: 1852

Nadir Khan, Rawalpindi: 1853

Santhals: 1855-6

(included Rajmahal, Bhagalpur, Birbhum)

These revolts show how widespread the opposition to British colonial rule was. Though fragmented, this opposition eventually crystallized into a more sweeping and cohesive force that would eventually lead to 1857 - which provided a brief and faint glimmer of freedom that would not be won untill almost a century later.

Back to a History of the 1857 Revolt

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You may be looking for Bheel or Bil.
Regions with significant populations

              Gujarat 3,441,945[1]
              Madhya Pradesh 4,619,068[2]
              Maharashtra 1,818,792[3]
              Rajasthan 2,805,948[4]

Bhil languages

Bhils are a tribal people of Central India. They speak Bhil languages, a group of Indic languages.

Bhils are a scheduled tribe in the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan in western and central India, as well as in Tripura in far-eastern India, on the border with Bangladesh.

Bhils are also settled in Tharparkar district of Sindh in Pakistan.

The Ghoomar dance is one well-known aspect of Bhil culture.

In feudal and colonial times, many Bhils were employed by the ruling Rajputs in various capacities, e.g. as Shikaris because of their knowledge of the terrain. Many had even become warriors in armies. They were in the Mewar army of Maharana Pratap Singh and like Chhatrapati Shivaji, were experts in guerilla warfare which the Mughals had so much trouble handling. Today, there is a Mewar Bhil Corps.'[5]

In Hindu Mythology, popular Bhil figures are Shabari, who offered Rama and Laxmana half-eaten Ber (berries) fruit when they were searching for Sita Devi in the forest. Maharishi Matanga was another Hindu Bhil sage who became a Brahmana.

It is noteworthy that Lord Rama appears in a Bhil myth where there has been a flood that wiped out humanity and Rama suggests how it can be repopulated.[6]



[edit] Images

Bhil tribal girls in Jhabua

A Bhil tribe in Jhabua forests

[edit] See also

[edit] References

Search Wikisource Wikisource has the text of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article Bhils.
  1. ^ "Gujarat: Data Highlights the Scheduled Tribes". Census of India 2001. Census Commission of India. Retrieved 2008-03-31. 
  2. ^ "Madhya Pradesh: Data Highlights the Scheduled Tribes". Census of India 2001. Census Commission of India. Retrieved 2008-03-06. 
  3. ^ "Maharashtra: Data Highlights the Scheduled Tribes". Census of India 2001. Census Commission of India. Retrieved 2008-03-31. 
  4. ^ "Rajasthan: Data Highlights the Scheduled Tribes". Census of India 2001. Census Commission of India. Retrieved 2008-03-31. 
  5. ^ "The Mewar Encyclopedia". Retrieved 2008-03-20. 
  6. ^ "Food stories from around the World". Retrieved 2008-03-20. 

[edit] External links

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Scheduled tribes of India

Asur · Baiga · Bharia · Bhil  · Bhumij · Bhutia · Birhor · Bodo · Bodo-Kachari · Boksa · Bonda · Chakma · Chenchu  · Dimasa  · Garo  · Gondi · Hmar · Ho · Karbi · Khasi  · Khonds · Kol · Korwa · Kuki · Lepcha · Lodha · Mahli · Mara · Mech · Mishing · Mizo · Mog · Munda · Mudugar · Naga · Oraon · Rabari · Rabha · Reang · Santals · Sora  · Tripuri

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On 26th December Night last, I landed in the Tent of BHEEL Community People belonging to Dungarpur and Udaipur. It was the Venue of Bamcef National Convention in Jaipur.

 Having my community dinner, I was in search of south Indian tents as EIGHTY Four thousand delegates had registered and they were still coming into Bidyadhar Styadium Dinabhana Nagar and the unexpected almost four fold gathering upset the hosts so much that it was Near Impossible to manage systematically the Residential tents on state or district or region line as it used to be in the past.

 Almost all Delegate cards were used and had to be printed on the  first day. The Ration and Cooking Gas stocked for all Five Days finished in the first day and most of us could not get our dinner as there were not enough Plates to have food. But the Enthusiasm was enormous.

 I could not meet the Dandakaranya delegates. I also could not met the delegates from my Home state Utarakhand. Bengal delegates were also scattered in many Tents.

I was dying to meet the South Indian people as I interacted with karnataka , Kerala and Tamilnadu people last time in Cuttak. First I entered in Ludhiana Tent.

 The Next tent belonged to the Bheels and I had to stay there until Dawn!

The Night Meeting reserved in my Memory solved the Puzzle of Missing Links of History.

  A History teacher BHAWNWAR Lal Parmar and the BHEEL and Meena people in Jaipur taught me the Unseen Lessons of History right from Mohanjodoro, Lothal and Hrappa.

Aryan PURANDAR Indra destroyed the URBAN Aboriginal Civilisation in Indus valley and then ASHWAMEDH Yagyas were performed by Purushottam Ram to Hinduise the surviving Aboriginal Indigenous communities in the Aryavart.

 The sacred Brahmins MUNI and Rishis credited for all the Holy Scripts including Vedas, Upnishad and Puran, demonised our ancestors and evoked the Hindu War Gods and Goddesses as RUDRA modifying the Aboriginal Saviour Shiva, Chandi, Modified the Mother Earth and each and every aboriginal goddess worshipped by the Aboriginal Population.

They modified and captured everything. Whoever Protested were DEMONISED as ASURA, DAITYA, DANAV, RAKSHAS, Kinnar and so on..

The Yagya was something like SEZ drive and the Aboriginal People were branded as Terrorists as they are now in all the Five States of aboriginal India under Corporate Chidambaram Assault.

 DEFORESTATION was the best way to establish the Brahamin Empire!

But the Non Aryan People escaped and survived in South India and few communities migrated in East India. I know it. That Mohanjodoro Indus line enters Eastern India and North east via south India and Orissa.

Now I learnt, that even after the Constitution of Aryavart and the Hindu empire in Cow belt, the Aboriginal India remained Intact and United down the Bindhya and Aravali renges.

The BHEEL and Meena Communities ruled Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhay Pradesh and Maharashtra. They were dethroned by the Brahaminical Hindus as late as in Twelfth Century even later than the introduction of Buddhist Revolution, the Brajhaminical counter Revolution and the Introduction of Manusmriti Rule killing Buddhism as well as aboriginal Pockets in North India.

 But Aboriginal India survived all over India except the Great Cow belt. Moreover the major part of the Cow belt, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh were captured after Twelfth century while the Rajputs captured AMER fort built and ruled by aboriginal Meenas.

 The Meena and Bheel Tribes were deported forcibly to dense forest and remote zone.

Again the Twelfth Century becomes CUT OFF year in Bengal with the fall of Buddhist Pala Dynasty and Aboriginal Untouchable Bengal converted to Brahaminical Hindutva as the Sen Kings imported Brahaminical system right from the heart of the Cow belt, from Kannoj and reincarnated community leaders as Brhamins as there had no Trace of Hindutva in Banga and Kalinga extended to North east!

Assam was also captured after the Fall of Buddhism as AHOM people of mynmar origin captured the plains of Assam and deported Naga, Mizo, Garo, Lepcha, Bodo and each and every tribe in the North east up above the Hills in dense forest areas.

The Bengali SC Refugees , the Partition Victims of East Bengal, ejected out of Home Land to ensure BRAHMIN Bania Hindu Swaraj, were treated in the SIMILAR ways even in the mid period of Twentieth century in fifties and sixties as they were scattered all over India, from Himalays to Remote Island andaman and Nicobar, each and everyone rehabilitated or non rehabilitated in dense Forest zone replicating the Aryan Invasion and the Twelfth century experience!

Even during Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries, the Aboriginal Communities ruled Central and east India as the History of chuar Revolt and Sepoy Revolt, Santhal, Munda, Bheel , Gond Insurrections prove. Rani Rasmani., the Fisher Woman was the last Ruler of Kolkata not Sirajdaulla!Entire Bengal, Chhattish Garh, Madhay pradesh, Andhra, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bengal, Bihar , Orissa showcased ABORIGINAL Indigenous Identity expressing themselves in continuous Insurrections and revolts!

 This IDENTITY is Killed and now the whole of Aboriginal Indiegnous majority Population is selected for ETHNIC Economic Cleansing as Entire aboriginal Landscape in Central, North east, Himalayan and southern India and the Total Indigenous Aboriginal Humanscape are subjected to Monopolistic aggression. Unique Identity Number Project, citizenship amendment act, twin terror act, liberalisation, Privatisation, Disinvestment, policy making, legisalation, ethnonationalism and nationalism false, industrilisation, urbanisation, infrastructure development, SEZ drive, chemical Hubs, retail and food chain, Nuclear armament , strategic realliance under US and Israel lead, US promoted FREE Market democracy, India Incs, dual citizenship, FIIs, LPG mafia, Promoters and builders, modified seed and fertiliser, knowledge economy, Health service privatisation, agrarian crisis, IT Boost, Foreign capital inflow, defence budget and stimulus, PP Projects, NGOS Herald Death for the Aboriginal Indigenous India!

War Against Naxals: The War Against People! Public Meeting, Chennai, Feb 20, 2010

Note: Due to unavoidable reasons, the public meeting slated to happen on January 30, 2010 has been postponed to February 20, 2010.

        The Indian State has declared a civil war called 'Operation Green Hunt' to crush the Maoists and the Naxalbari movement. This battlefield spreads beyond the jungles of Dandakaranya. The forms of the war may change with respect to the place, but the aim of the war is the same—To Recolonize the Country to serve the interests of MNCs and Imperialists. It's an outright lie that the war is being waged only because Maoists are undertaking an armed struggle. People are seething in anger with the numerous recolonization onslaughts. The state understands this fact and also knows that only Naxalites have the ability and courage to ignite the spark among the masses.

Com. Mukundan,
President, New Democratic Labour Front, Tamilnadu.


High Court Lawyer, Bengaluru.

Com.Varavara Rao
VIRASAM (Revolutionary Writer's Association), Andhra Pradesh.

General Secretary, People's Art and Literary Association, Tamilnadu.

Revolutionary Cultural Programme by Central Arts Troupe, PALA.

MGR Nagar Market, Near Ashok Pillar, Chennai.
Feb 20, 2010, 6:00 PM

All are welcome!

Contact: Com. Mukundan, 110, Second Floor, Corporation Complex, 63, Arcot Road, Kodambakkam, Chennai – 600 024. Ph:94448 34519

Campaign Against Operation Green Hunt – Updates!
February 8, 2010

"Resist the Naxal Witch Hunt! Organise Under the Naxal Leadership to Fight Recolonisation!"

Massive campaign across Tamil Nadu by Revolutionary Organisations!

Carrying forward the slogan, "War Against Naxals: The War Against Adivasis, Fishermen, and Peasants," PALA and its associate revolutionary organisations have been intensely involved in the campaign against the state-declared civil war, Operation Green Hunt. Using pamphlets, booklets and posters that expose the ulterior motives of the Indian state behind this blood-thirsty war, comrades have been campaigning across the state in buses, trains, factories, and street corners. These organisations have also been organizing hall meetings, seminars, and cultural programmes as part of their campaign against the Operation Green Hunt. Democratic forces and working classes have been supporting this venture and generously contributing to this effort, understanding the importance of resisting this Naxal witch hunt and the need to take forward the struggle against recolonisation.

These organisations, along with several other democratic forces and organizations, arranged hall meetings in Chennai, Coimbatore, and Salem in the month of January. T. Vellaiyan, president of the Tamil Nadu Vanigar Sanga Peravai (Forum of Tamilnadu Traders' Union); C. C. Rajagopalan, a senior educationalist; Com. Thirumalairasan, senior advocate; Com. Balan, advocate, Karnataka High Court; and Aranga. Sampath Kumar, advocate, Chennai High Court stressed the need and importance of organising against this blood-thirsty war.

These seminars and hall meetings were attended by several hundreds of people, and comrades, in their campaigns on trains and buses, have taken this issue to several lakhs of people. The campaign to resist the Naxal witch hunt and to fight against recolonisation is being taken forward with great support from the people of Tamil Nadu.

PALA and its associate revolutionary organisations have published the following booklets.

Tamil translation of Arundhathi Roy's article, "The Heart of India is Under Attack"

Collection of essays in English on Operation Green Hunt

Courtesy: Puthiya Jananayagam, Feb 2010

Party of theYour browser may not support display of this image. Committees to Support Resistance – for Communism (CARC) - Italy

Via Tanaro, 7 - 20128 Milano - Tel/Fax 02.26306454

e-mail: – website:

Your browser may not support display of this image.

National Direction - International Relations Department

Tel. +39 0226306454 - e-mail:

ACTION ALERT: Urgent Action Needed to Support the Anti-POSCO struggle in Orissa. Govt Planning forced entry/Violence anticipated.

PLS FORWARD widely and urge every friend to call.

Dear friends:

We need your help urgently. As many of you are aware, the Korean Steel giant, POSCO (Pohang Steel) is touted to be moving forward with its plans building a steel mill in Jagatsingpura in north-east Orissa. The mill, also involves mining at Keonjhar and a new port just north of Paradip. In all, over 30 villages are targets for forced displacement and have been in continuous protest in one form or the other for the last two years or more under the leadership of the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti. Currently the govt of Orissa has issued a Feb 10th deadline on filing for compensation and there has been a rapid build of police forces over the last 48 hours. A PPSS dharana is in its second week now and the threat of an attack on the people and forced entry into the lands and occupation by govt forces looms large. Please call the Chief Minister Orissa - Naveen Panaik and the Chief Sect Environments and Forest Govt of Orissa, Mr U N Behara ASAP. Ask them to immediately stop all plans of forced occupation of  land and instead seek the immediate implementation of the Forest Rights Act. Remind them that the project will effect both adivasis and non adivasis, a delicate eco system with a rumenurative betel leaf cultivation system and a unified movement against POSCO.

We would like to hear the responses and so write back to us with a brief note on the response. Attached below is a Press Release from PPSS and a brief article that appeared in the mainstream press three days ago. ONCE AGAIN, Please make ur calls ASAP. Best time to cal would be 10 30 Pm -- 7 AM.

Naveen Patnaik
Cm, Orissa
Tel. No.(O) 011 91 674 2531100,011 91 674 2535100,
011 91 674 2531500, Epbax 2163
Tel. No.(R) 011 91 674 2590299, 011 91 674 2591099,
011 91 674 2590844, 011 91 674 2591100,

U N Behara
Principal Sect Environment and Forests
Phone: 011 91 674 2595503 / 011 91 674 2536822


       URGENT! Fear of attack on Anti-POSCO movement

Balitutha, Orissa: The threat of state and company sponsored violence
looms large over hundreds of farmers sitting on an indefinite dharna
at Balitutha in Jagatsinghpur district against the Orissa government's
pet POSCO steel project.

Since 26 January this year the farmers have been carrying out their
peaceful protest against fresh attempts by the Naveen Patnaik regime
to acquire their land on behalf of the South Korean steel corporation.

"We are expecting police action any time soon including an attack on
our leader Abhay Sahoo by goons hired by the company," said a
spokesperson of the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samithi (PPSS), which has
spearheaded the agitation against the project for the past five years.

Over 30,000 farmers are expected to lose their lands and livelihood if
the US$12 billion project, billed as India's largest Foreign Direct
Investment, is implemented. POSCO signed an MoU with the Orissa
government in mid-2005, for the setting up of an integrated steel and
power plant, a private port and mining of over 600 million tonnes of
Orissa's high grade iron ore.

For the steel and power plants alone the project needs around 4004
acres, of which 3566 acres is government owned forest and revenue land
but 438 acres belongs to local farmers who are refusing to part with
it. The PPSS apprehends that over 25 platoons of police are being
brought in to surround the farmers sitting on dharna at Balitutha,
which is at the entrance to the land that belongs to them.

As per a letter issued by the Collector of Jagatsinghpur District on
January 19 this year Palli Sabhas in the project area have been asked
to obtain approval of local bodies about the 'diversion of their lands
under forest category to POSCO' by February 10th. On February 3
however, at a meeting of Palli Sabha of Nuagaon village all the 700
participants unanimously disapproved of the move. In a resolution
passed at the Palli Sabha they said  that such lands were being used
by people for cultivation and housing since last 300 years and in no
case they can be handed over to POSCO.  Other Palli Sabhas in the area
are expected to pass similar resolutions.

PPSS activists say, faced with the firm opposition to the POSCO
project and land acquisition the Orissa adminstration is getting
desperate and plans to remove the farmers by force. On February 1 the
state government issued a notice in various newspapers that if the
people fail to file  their claims for compensation within fifteen
days, they will get nothing at all.

The PPSS dharna has found support around the country with leaders of
trade unions and people's movements visiting the protestors sitting on
dharna. Those participating in the dharna include leaders of leaders
of the All India Trade Union Congress from different states  and the
Orissa Bidi Workers  and Domestic Workers Associations.

For further information contact:

Prashant Paikray, spokesperson, PPSS at Ph: (0) 9437571547.

Ground Zero

Dilip Bisoi
Financial Express
Posted online: Feb 07, 2010 at 1959 hrs

From Bhubaneswar, it takes us five hours to reach Patna village, at
the heart of Posco-India's planned 12-million tonne steel plant. We
find children playing with pebbles, but they aren't at an innocuous
game—they arrange tiny stones across the road when they see an
approaching vehicle, imitating elders who routinely put up road
blockades or gates to prevent entry of unknown vehicles. Patna falls
within the core area of the proposed 4,004 acre plant site, and
villagers, who are against the project, keep round-the-clock vigil on
the movement of outsiders.

Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik may have assured South Korean
President Lee Myung-Bak that the land acquisition process for the
$12-billion plant in Orissa's Jagatsinghpur district will be speeded
up, but at Ground Zero, things don't look so easy. Posco-India still
doesn't have an inch of land, though the final forest clearance came
through in December, on the eve of Lee's visit to India as chief guest
for Republic Day. Of the 4,004 acres identified for the project,
2,958.79 acres is forestland.

He was keen to visit the Posco site, but was told the ground situation
wasn't conducive. There's stiff resistance to the project from locals,
but Posco-India and the Orissa government is hoping to win over the
opposition with the promise of a better rehabilitation and
resettlement policy.

"The resettlement and rehabilitation package of Posco-India for the
plant at Jagatsinghpur is in line with the Orissa government's R&R
Rules 2006, which is regarded as one of the best R&R policies in the
country," says Posco-India General Manager (external relations)
Simanta Mohanty. "We are confident that everybody in our project area
will be at an advantage with our package. Our package is specially
oriented towards landless labour and we have made special provisions
for employment of those needing jobs. We are compensating those who
have planted betel vines on government land and we are sure they will
see that we are giving them a fair deal," he adds. Over the past three
months, the Patnaik government, too, has given a push to the land
acquisition process, but villagers will need a lot of convincing
before they give up their land.

In neighbouring Govindpur, children play cricket, imagining the ball
to be Posco-India. Every time a batsman hits the ball hard, a cheer
goes up. The villagers of Govindpur are quite militant in their
opposition to the project, considered to be the country's largest FDI.

Four years of agitation have changed the lives of villagers living in
Posco's proposed site. For villagers, guarding the gates has become a
daily chore. All their discussions revolve around the Posco project.
Womenfolk do their household work, but with an eye on the main street
for Posco executives or government officials. Posco officials are
often detained for a few hours by villagers.

The two villages of Govindpur and Dhinkia are at the heart of the site
and this is where the dictates of the Posco Pratirodha Sangaram Samiti
(PPSS), the organisation that is spearheading the anti-project
movement, runs. PPSS has virtually converted the 4,004 acres into a
fort, with 17 gates plugging all the roads to the core area. No gates
open without the permission of PPSS. The PPSS chief, Abhaya Sahoo,
guards the main gate at Balitutha, the entry point to the Posco site.
The PPSS network is quite strong. When government officials or Posco
company executives start from Bhubaneswar for Jagatsinghpur, Sahoo
gets the information, and villagers are alerted immediately.

With the forest clearance coming through, and Lee's visit putting the
project onto the fast track, the Jagatsinghpur Collector has put out
ads asking betel vine owners to claim compensation and give up the
land. Interestingly, the 4,004 acres is part of a vast stretch of land
that was added to the mainland when the sea receded, so the landscape
is dotted with huge sand mounds. The government says the reclaimed
land is government land but people have lived here for generations.

Over the years, the forests too have disappeared—first the mangroves
and then the casuarina plantations, destroyed by a super cyclone. Now,
villagers grow betel vines and cashew on the high lands and have
converted the low laying areas to paddy fields. "The paddy field gives
us rice for the whole year and the betel vines the cash to buy other
items," says Ramesh Mohanty. "We will not allow the Posco project to
come up on this site," says PPSS chief Abhaya Sahoo. "No
rehabilitation and resettlement (R&R) policy is acceptable to us," he
points out.

When you argue that Posco-India has promised to give a better package
than the R&R package announced by the state government, Dhinkia
sarpanch Sisira Mohapatra, who is also the general secretary of PPSS,
shows you the R&R package of Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) for the
oustees of Paradip Refinery project. A vacant plot of seven acres,
earmarked with concrete pillars outside village Dhinka, is the
so-called rehabilitation colony. The abandoned, dilapidated facility
centre (hospitals, schools and temples) isn't assuring villagers.

"We have seen the R&R package of a public sector company. How do we
trust a foreign private company?" Mohapatra shoots back. The stories
of promises not kept and the success of people's movements like the
anti-missile test range agitation of Baliapal have kept the resistance
against Posco alive. But the Orissa government too has made a heap of
promises to Posco-India which it will find very difficult to walk away

"Even under the most crushing state machinery courage rises up again and again, for fear is not the natural state of civilized man." ~ Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

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In America, Britain and the other imperialist countries there has been widespread public opposition to the attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq.  Since 2001 millions of people have at some time or other publicly expressed their dissent from the aggressive wars being waged by the imperialist states.  Yet there has been little criticism of or attempts to influence the armed forces actually carrying out these military operations.


In Britain the Stop the War Coalition has avoided criticizing the British armed forces.  It presents them as the innocent tools of the British Government with no culpability for the death and destruction they are causing.  The Military Families Against the War wing of Stop the War has actually complained that British troops are getting injured and killed because they are not better equipped.  Also they do protest that British military personnel are dying unnecessarily being they are being used to fight illegal and unnecessary wars.  But they do not have much to say about all the Iraqis and Afghanis killed and injured by British forces.  In general the anti-war movement in Britain has kept away from the armed forces and has not tried to directly influence them.  This is a serious error because disaffection among the military would seriously undermine the capability of the British state to wage its imperialist wars.


The Stop the War Coalition, and especially some of the leading elements in it such as the Socialist Workers Party, present British soldiers as innocents abroad, as typically young, working class men from economically depressed areas who have joined up because they need a job and want "to serve Queen and Country".  In addition, those who have suffered physical and mental injuries are presented as "victims".  Some support has been given to the few military personnel who have refused to serve in these wars but no attempts have been made to encourage others to do the same.


During the last two years or so in Britain the Government and media have been waging a massive propaganda campaign to rally popular support for the British armed forces fighting in Afghanistan.  No opportunity is missed to parade returning troops through the streets and hail them as "heroes".  Fundraising events have been organized to provide comforts for "our brave boys" on the battlefront.  People now turn out in thousands at Wootton Bassett to pay tribute as the coffins containing dead soldiers flown back from Afghanistan are slowly driven down the main street.  This occasion has been turned into a major media event.  Back around the time of the invasion of Iraq their commanders were advising soldiers not to wear their uniforms on the streets for fear of attracting abuse.  Now the opposite is the case.  Wearing your uniform in public is a passport to quite a few free drinks.


At the same time the opinion polls suggest that the majority of people in Britain are opposed to British involvement in Afghanistan and want "the boys brought back home".  But why is this?  Is it because people are appalled at the death and destruction being brought upon the Afghani people by the British armed forces?  Or is it not more likely that it is the rising British casualties which is the main reason why British people want the troops out?  If the latter is the case then we can speculate how public opinion might change if as a result of the forty thousand extra NAO forces being sent to Afghanistan less British soldiers are injured and killed and more Afghani resistance fighters are killed.  It could be that then there would be a shift of British public opinion in favour of carrying on with the war.  By not criticizing the British armed forces and by not trying to develop dissention within its ranks the Stop the War Coalition has provided an opening for the British state to succeed in greatly increasing public support for its armed forces and the imperialist wars they fight.


The leaders of the Stop the War Coalition say that for it to have seriously criticized British forces would have alienated large numbers of people from the anti-war movement.  True, they have objected to British troops maltreating and torturing prisoners in Iraq  In reality it is all too typical as millions of people around the world in countries where British forces have been active know to their cost.  Stop the War has presented the British military as an essentially neutral entity which can be used for good or evil according to the dictates of the government of the day. This is an opportunist political line which can only serve to weaken effective opposition to the aggressive actions of British imperialism in Afghanistan and elsewhere.  By pandering to public opinion, by failing to struggle with people to help them achieve an understanding of the real nature of the British armed forces, Stop the War is effectively helping the British state in its campaign to boost the public prestige of its military.  Any short-terms gains in public opposition to the war brought about by avoiding the question of the military are likely to be more than offset by growing public sympathy for the British Army in Afghanistan. but this is presented as exceptional behaviour not typical of the British Army.




In order to decide how to correctly handle the British military it is necessary to have an understanding of their position in British monopoly capitalist society.  The capitalist state is the means whereby the ruling capitalist class maintains its domination over the people it oppresses and exploits, both at home and abroad. The most important institution of any capitalist state is its armed forces.  As Lenin pointed out, "A standing army and police are the chief instruments of state power."  When its authority faces a very serious popular challenge the capitalist state has to call upon its armed forces to maintain its position.  This was very clear in Northern Ireland when from 1969 onwards the British state used the British Army to try to defeat the national liberation struggle being waged by Sinn Fein/IRA.  The British armed forces are not and never have been some sort of neutral force.  Their purpose is to maintain the rule of the monopoly capitalist class.


In class origin the British military reflect the wider society.  Its top commanders are very disproportionately drawn from the capitalist class and higher sections of the middle strata, many of them having been to public schools. They are an integral part of the ruling class and always act to protect the interests of their own class, even when this requires them to disobey the commands of the government of the day.  Most of the other officers are of middle strata origin and these days many of them have been educated to university level.  This brings us to "other ranks", the ordinary soldiers who constitute the great majority of military personnel.  They are overwhelmingly of working class origin and this is one important reason as to why most anti-war campaigners, especially those of left-wing political leanings, are wary of criticisng and confronting the armed forces.  It is feared that by doing so this will alienate large sections of the working class from the anti-war war movement and push them in right wing political directions.


Consideration needs to be given to the reasons people join the armed forces.  Yes, many recruits are from working class areas with restricted employment opportunities and joining up offers security and good pay.  But there are other important motives for joining.  Some recruits are at least partly motivated by patriotism, a genuine desire, however misplaced, "to serve Queen and country". A significant proportion have grown up in military families and are carrying on a family tradition of military service.  Another attraction is the prospect of learning a skill and taking advantage of educational opportunities.  Also there are sporting activities and travel abroad.  Quite important is the appeal of finding excitement by getting involved in dangerous activities, especially armed combat.  This is an important motive for part-time military personnel such as the Territorial Army.  Periods of active service seem to be a welcome contrast from rather dull occupations and lives on civvy street.  A few, probably a small minority, actually enjoy hurting and killing people.  Probably there are other motives as well but most recruits will be motivated by different combinations of these reasons.


The actual experience of military service can lead to changes in the way it is regarded.  Some of those who thought that they would be defending their country are disappointed to find that this is not so.  For example, some soldiers felt that they had been misused in the invasion of Iraq to "protect us from Saddam's weapons of mass destruction" when it turned out that the political leaders knew that he did not have any.  Others who joined up for economic and other reasons find that the actual experience of combat is exhilarating and want more.  And so on.  The point is that not all of the military personnel are the same but embrace a variety of outlooks and responses.  These must be taken into account if their commitment to upholding the interests of the British state and ruling class are to be undermined.  In the armed forces there is intense political indoctrination of personnel so as to motivate them to keep fighting.  The soldiers who have served in Afghanistan have found out that the people of Afghanistan do not want British and other NATO forces there so the politicians and commanders have been pushing the line to the troops and British public that Afghanistan poses a "terrorist threat" to Britain and that is why the Taliban must be defeated.  Terrorist incidents in Britain since 2001 have been carried out by Muslims from Britain and other countries but not Afghanistan.  It is remarkable that so far the Taliban have refrained from carrying out undercover operations in Britain.  Any potential terrorist threat to Britain from Afghanistan comes precisely because that country has been invaded by the British Army, something they have been doing on and off since 1838.

 If we are to reach out and challenge British service personnel about their participation in imperialist wars then we must investigate, understand and struggle with these people. In particular it is those in the lower ranks we need to reach because potentially they will be more responsive to an anti-imperialist war political line.

The Desert Dwellers of Rajasthan
Bishnoi and Bhil people

For centuries, the Bhil and the Bishnoi cultures have coexisted in the Rajasthan desert of central India. Though they live diametrically opposed lifestyles and have vastly different philosophies, they are drawn together by a bond much stronger than their differences: the struggle to survive in this harsh and unforgiving land.

The name "Bishnoi" ("Twenty-nine") represents the number of principles espoused by their prophet, Lord Jhambheshwar. Despite being born a Khstriya, the second highest Hindu caste, he disapproved of the caste system and created a classless community into which all were accepted. The only requirement was to live by his 29 life principles including no killing or eating of animals, no cutting down of living trees and no alcohol consumption.

It is said that Lord Jhambheshwar attained saintly enlightenment while meditating beneath a tree in a place that would later become the village of Jhamba. There, where he discovered a water source that rescued his people from a 20-year drought, he established his ideal community, a society of people living in harmony with each other and with their environment. Many of the rules he imposed are still followed today.

Equal appearance was one of Lord Jhambheshwar's principles. Believing that it would prevent jealousy and promote peace, he instituted a policy of uniformity that is still followed today. All women wear very bright, predominantly red saris of patterned cloth and adorn themselves with nose rings, bracelets and anklets. Men wear basic white clothes representing simplicity and modesty.

Among the Bishnoi, young married couples must settle on bare land and make it arable by digging wells, planting millet and cultivating other vegetation. The prophet Jhambheshwar preferred a proactive philosophy of agricultural development to a passive approach to the environment.



The Stop the War line on the British armed forces has already been criticised and it can be characterized as a right deviation, one which effectively strengthens the enemy.  Some other people regard the British armed forces as irrevocably committed to upholding the interests of the British ruling class and its state.  They say that it is a waste of time trying to generate dissent and opening up the ranks among the military.  All these people want to do is to shout "Fuck off you murdering bastards!".  This is quite incorrect and in so far as it might have any impact would simply serve to strengthen the loyalty of the military to their commanders and alienate relations and friends of those in military service.  This is an ultra-left position which also could have the effect of increasing support for the enemy.


The correct approach is to reach out to and challenge military personnel about the war they are fighting in Afghanistan.  Many already do have doubts about what they are doing but it is necessary to encourage and amplify such dissent.  We need to inform them about the long history of British imperialist interference in Afghanistan.  The lies from Brown and Ainsworth that Britain is under threat of terrorist attack from Afghanistan need to be refuted.  The character of the criminal, drug-running warlord government foisted on the Afghani people and kept in power by NATO forces should be exposed.  The suffering that the imperialist armies are inflicting on Afghanis should be emphasized.  It must be pointed out that the real war on terror is the one being waged by NATO on the Afghani people.  In order to reach the troops we need to visit, picket and campaign at their bases, training centres and recruitment offices in Britain.  The aim is to encourage them to refuse to fight this unjust, murderous war.


Also it is important to combat the current of public opinion which has been persuaded by the State and media propaganda campaign to see the British troops as "brave heroes".  In particular we need to turn out and demonstrate when units returning from Afghanistan are paraded through the streets.  The main target here is the public who should be informed as to the true character of the war in Afghanistan.  They need to be told that the real heroes are the Afghanis who dare to resist the invasion of their country by the most powerful military forces in human history.  It should be pointed out that for each dead British soldier the Army claims to have killed a hundred or more Afghanis.  Attention should be drawn to the death and destruction visited by RAF Harriers and American F16 fighter-bombers on Afghani villages and farms.  Any occasion where the military are being boosted, e.g. Armed Forces Day, should be used as an opportunity to oppose British militarism.  It is a pity that it was ultra-reactionary Islamicists who proposed a demonstration in Wootton Bassett to commemorate the Afghani dead.  Anti-war campaigners should have got in there first.


A few British military personnel have refused to fight in Iraq or Afghanistan but a less individual and more collective dissent within the armed forces would have more impact.  A concerted campaign to encourage it is necessary.  It is very important to develop a campaign to oppose British militarism because other imperialist assaults are looming on the horizon; especially on Iran and Yemen.  Also it is necessary to struggle with people so that they come to realize that the British armed forces are not their friend but their enemy, a key part of the capitalist system of oppression and exploitation.

Indus River Day: thousands throng dry riverbed
Dawn Report
Monday, 25 Jan, 2010
Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party (STPP) Chairman Dr Qadir Magsi along with party workers throws flower petals into the Indus as a mark of respect and love for the river which has sustained life in Sindh for centuries. – APP photo
HYDERABAD: Thousands of people thronged the dry bed of the once mighty Indus at different places along its route in the province on Sunday to mark the Indus River Day.

A local media organisation had given the call for the day and various sections of society responded with enthusiasm and thronged banks of the river.

A large number of women and children who threw rose petals offered prayers and sang national songs to highlight the plight of the river, which has been sustaining life in the province for centuries.

Wearing Sindhi caps and ajraks, people kept aside their political affiliations and ideologies and gathered at Hussainabad, under the Hyderabad bypass and downstream Kotri at Al Manzar to express their love for the river and reiterate their stand on the water issue.

Activists of different political and nationalist parties raised slogans of love for the river. Some of them fired shots in air.

Mr Ali Qazi who heads the media organisation which called for observing the day, threw rose petals in the river at Dadu-Moro bridge and laid a floral wreath at the shrine of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar.

People started assembling at the riverbed at about 10 am and remained there till evening when prayers were offered for restoration of the river's old glory.

People from Tharparkar belonging to the Bheel, Kohli and Thakur communities also offered prayers according to their traditions and danced to the tune of national and Sindhi songs.

Singers, including Ahmed Mughal, Zamin Ali, Taj Mastani, Sadiq Faqir, Kareem Faqir, Najaf Faqir, Sanam Marvi, Zulfiqar Ali and Mazhar Hussain entertained people from a stage set up by the Sindh Department of CUlture.

Sindh Rural Development Minister Zubair Ahmed Khan heading a delegation of the MQM and PPP Sindh general Secretary Taj Hyder and ministers Zahid Bhurgari and Dr. Mohan Lal Kohsitani visited the riverbed.

Chairman of Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party Dr. Qadir Magsi, president of Awami Tehrik Ayaz Latif Palijo, senior vice-chairman JSQM Dr. Niaz Kalani, Qamar Bhatti of Jeay Sindh Qaum Parast Party, Dr. Dodo Maheri of Sindh United Party and Abrar Kazi also visited the riverbed.

Several organisations had set up camps and stalls and some of them distributed free food.

Ghulam Murtaza Khaskheli and Rajab Ali presented Sufi poetry at Al-Manzar. Sindh Sughar Sangat and Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum organised rallies.

In Thatta, activists of social and political organisations and civil society sat in the dry riverbed and held a demonstration on Doolha Darya Khan bridge to express concern over shortage of water in the river.

Large groups of people holding flags and banners of different parties marched to the river on foot and many other in motorcade. They were led by their leaders, JSQM chairman Bashir Khan Qureshi, JSM chairman Riaz Chandio, Culture Minister Sassui Palijo, MPA Humera Alwani, MNA Dr Abdul Wahid Soomro, MNA Syed Ayaz Shah Shirazi and MPA Heer Soho.Several NGOs and welafare organisations also held rallies which were attended by writers, intellectuals, fishermen and common people.

In Naushahro Feroze and Sukkur, thousands of people gathered at the riverbed at different places and offered prayers for restoration of the old glory of Indus.

From Mirpurkhas, people in a motorcade led by PPP MPA Shamim Ara Panhwar and secretary of PPP Mirpurkhas Tharo Khan Panhwar went to Jamshoro to express love and respect for river.

Mirpurkhas zone of MQM took out a procession to mark the day. People in the procession gathered at the West Jamrao canal where they offered prayers for the Indus and Sindh.


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Castes of India
Meena or Mina
Classification Kshatriya Varna in Hinduism
Religions 99.76% Hinduism, 0.08% Christianity, 0.02% Islam
Language Hindi, Mewari, Marwari, Dhundari, Harauti, Panjabi Eastern, Wagdi, Malvi, Garhwali, Bhili etc.
Populated States India, Pakistan

Meenas, Meena or Mina is a caste and community mainly found in Rajasthan, India. The name Mina is derived from Meen, meaning 'fish' in Sanskrit,[1][2][3] and the Minas claim descent from the Matsya Avatar, or fish incarnation, of Vishnu.[4][5][6][7] [8]

Meenas celebrate Meenesh Jayanti in the name of Vishnu on 3 Tithi of Chaitra Shukal paksha according to the Hindu calendar. The main reference of this belief is based on the scripture of the Matsya Purana[8].

Originally Meenas were a ruling caste, and were ruler of Matsya, i.e., Rajasthan or Matsya Union[9] but their slow downfall began with the assimilation with Scythian and was completed when the British government declared them a "Criminal Tribe". This very action was taken to support their alliance with Rajput kingdom then in Rajasthan, and Meenas were still in war with Rajputs, carrying out guerilla attacks to retain their lost kingdoms.

Scholars still disagree as to whether the Minas are an indigenous tribe, or whether they migrated to the region from Central Asia. According to Britannica[10], "the Minas are possibly of inner Asiatic origin, and tradition suggests that they migrated to India in the 7th century with the Rajputs".



[edit] Geography

Members of the Meena community are found in the northern part of Rajasthan. Meenas share the Brij and Matsya Area of Rajasthan i.e.Sawai Madhopur, Dausa, Jaipur, Dholpur and Karauli districts in Jaipur and Bharatpur region (also the Bharatpur and Bayana districts) with other communities. They inhabit the area from Jaipur-Sikar in Shekhawati region and Alwar in the northeast region of the state. They are also widely spread in Kota, Jhalawar and Bundi. Meenas are also found in north-western Madhya Pradesh. The Meenas, community of Rajasthan, are an agricultural people occupying one of the most fertile regions of the state. The Meena kings were the early rulers of major parts of Rajasthan including Amber (early capital of Jaipur).

The book "Culture and Integration of India Tribes" by R.S.Mann mentions that Meenas are considered as a Kshatriya caste equally as Rajputs, and having higher social status in the society. They are well integrated with other higher castes like Rajputs, Brahmins etc. Brahmin perform all rituals from birth, marriage and death for Meenas like for any other higher Hindu caste.

[edit] History

[edit] Vedic Period

[edit] Meenas, Scythian and pure Bharmans

In the ancient times Rajasthan was ruled by a dynasty of Meenas which had the emblem of Fish like the Pandyan kingdom of the south. The Meena kingdom ruled the east of the river Jamuna roughly corresponding to the modern Jaipur and Alwar (ruler) areas. The meena kingdom (Fish kingdom) was called Matsya Kingdom in Sanskrit was mentioned in the Rig Veda.

In the later days the Bhils and Meenas mixed with the Pardeshis (foreign people) who were Scythian, Hepthalite or other Central Asian clans. The Scythian mixed Meenas and Bhils remain as Rajput subclans, while the Meenas and Bhils who were displaced by the Scythian invaders and Muslims have mixed with the tribal Bhils and form the Bhil (tribal) meenas.

Meenas of Rajasthan till date strongly follows Vedic culture. Meenas mainly worship, Bhainroon (Shiva), Hanuman and Krishna as well as the Devies[11]. Meenas have better rights for women in many respects compared to many other Hindu casts[11]. Like remarriage of a widows and divorcees is a common practice and well accepted in their society. Such practice are part of Vedic civilization.

Hindu law as codified through acts passed between 1955 and 1956 were based on inegalitarian Victorian English patters of marriage and inheritance and on the customary practices of some the dominant communities in North-West India, among whom women's right have been seriously coded. The practices of the Nairs in Kerla, Meitei in Mainipur, Meenas in Rajasthan and Jains, which provide better rights to women in many respects, were presumed to be non-existent or non-Indian. Thus the Hindu codified law is in many ways a step backward for some communities.[11] [12]

The book by Alfred Comyn Lyall[13] covers the early formations of Meena cast, their adventures, outlaws, outcast, and refugees generally. The book highlights on the fact of Meenas groups having Bharman and Scythian ancestors. Where most of the Meenas preserve the name of the higher clan or Cast from which founder emigrated and joined Meenas. Some names denote only the founder's original habitation, while other circle bears the names of notorious ancestors. However, the Bharmans who joined Meenas are the one who have from time to time been persuaded or forced by some wild chief or captain of the pure clans to officiated in a human sacrifice; and that, having thereby quite forfeited their pure cast, they become degraded , and were driven forth to minister into the tribes beyond the pale. This story must not hastily be set aside as improbable, for the tradition of human sacrifice was common then. Further to this, Alfred Comyn Lyall added,

"These Meena Levites appears to be collection of all kinds of waifs and cutting from upper religious caste, they may possible rise in respectability as their clients get on in the world; and one might almost hazard the speculation, though it will be received with horror in certain quarters, that they are something like a Brahmanic tribe in faint embryo."

During the years of invasion, several fresh groups of Meenas have been formed, under the stress of the frightful famine which desolated Rajputan in 1868. As a consequence starving families were compelled to abandon scruples of caste and honesty, to steal cattle and to eat them.

[edit] Ancient history

At the time of great Epic Mahabharat was written there was a Janpad known as "Matsya Janpad". The capital of this Janpad was "Virat Nagar", now known as "Bairath" and renamed as Virata Nagar again. The Pandavas got shelter there for one year. There are still places known as "Pandupol" near Virat Nagar. Abhimanu the son of Arjun and great warrior married to daughter of King of Virat Nagar the princess was named Uttara. After Abhimanu died in battle of Kurukshetra, and all Pandav sons were killed by Ashwathama they were left without progeny. Uttara was pregnant then. After Pandavas went to Himalaya, the son delivered by Uttara was "Parikhishit" who inherited Pandavas and ruled India. He was killed by "Takshak" a Naga or Nagvanshi Khastriya. His son Janmejay did a Yagya to finish all Nagas at "Nagdah" known as "Nagada" now in MP. King Virat and all his sons and brothers were killed at Kurukhestra in Mahabharat. Some of clan brothers ruled this area after him. Many historical evidence is recovered from this area all belonging to time of Lord Buddha. Meenas are considered the brothers and kinsmen of Virata, the ruler of Virat Nagar. They ruled this area (near to Virat Nagar) till 11 th century.

Main Kingdoms of Meenas (in the Rajasthan)
S.No Name of the Kingdom Clan name of the Meena Rulers
1. Khoh-Gong Chanda Agnivanshi (a branch of Chauhan)[14]


2. Maach Sira
3. Gatoor & Jhotwada Nandla (also called Bad-Goti)
4. Amer (old capital of Jaipur State) Susawat/Soosawut
5. Nayala Davedwal
6. Naen\Nahn Gomladu
7. Ranthambore Tatu - A branch of Chauhan
8. Bundi Ushara (Parihar Meenas or Pratihar)
9. Mawar Meena
10. ---- Nandla

Main Forts build by Meena Kings

  1. Fort of Amaghar
  2. Fort of Hatrohi
  3. Fort of Khog
  4. Fort of Jamvaramghar

Main bawaries (to hold water from Rain) build by Meena Kings

Main temples build by Meena Kings

  1. Dant Mata Temple (Sihra Meena's dynasty Goddess)
  2. Shiv Temple at Nayi ka Nath (Banskho), Jaipur
  3. Banki Mata Temple at Raysar, Jaipur (Byadwal Meena's Dynasty Goddess)
  4. Bai Temple at Badi Chopad Jaipur

'NOTE: Important Book for the reference on above information is "Meena Cast and History of Freedom" by Shri. Lakshmi Nayaran Jharwal'

[edit] Medieval history

According to Tod the Meena King Raja Ralun Singh also known as Alan Singh Chanda of Khogong [16] [17] kind-heartedly adopted a stranded Rajput mother and her child who sought refuge in his realm. Later, the Meena king sent the child, Dhola Rae, to Delhi to represent the Meena kingdom. The Rajput, in gratitude for these favours, returned with Rajput conspirers and massacred the weaponless Meenas on Diwali while performings rituals i.e Pitra Trapan, it is customery in the Meenas to be weaponless at the time of PitraTrapan, "filling the reservoirs in which the Meenas bathed with their dead bodies" [Tod.II.281] and thus conquered Khogong.This act of Rajputs was termed as most coward and shameful in history of Rajasthan .

He then subjugated the Sihra Gotra of Meenas at much later on known as Jamwa Ramgarh near Jaipur, and transferred his capital thence. Becoming the son-in-law of the prince of Ajmer, he died when battling 11,000 Meenas [Tod.II.282]. His son Maidul Rae "made a conquest of Amber from the Soosawut Meenas" whose King was the head of the Meena confederation. He subdued the Nandla Meenas, annexing the Gatoor-Gatti district [Tod.II.282]. Hoondeo succeeded to the throne and "continued the warfare against the Meenas" [Tod.II.282]. Koontal, his successor, fought the Meenas "in which the Meenas were defeated, which secured his rule throughout Dhundhar" [Tod.II.282]. The Meenas were the original builders of Amber, which town they consecrated to Amba, the Mother Goddess, whom they knew as "Gatta Rani" or "Queen of the Pass" [Tod.II.282].

Amber, India Fort view from Jaigarh

Describing the destruction of the Meena town of Naed, Tod wrote: "When this latter prince (Baharmull Cuchwaha, a contemporary of Babar and Humayun) destroyed the Meena sovereignty of Naend, he levelled its half hundred gates, and erected the town of Lohan (now the residence of a Rajawut chief) on its ruins" [Tod.II.283]. The name of Meena ruler of Naen\Nahn was Rao Bada Meena, he was so rich that his wealth was compared to Akbar's empire in a local saying as "Rao Bada ko Bijano, Akabar Ko Gharbaar" that mean Rao Bada's manual fan was so precious that it was compared with Akbar's palace.

The Kachawa Rajput ruler Bharmal of Amber always eyed on Nahn and attacked on it several times but could not succeeded against mighty and brave Bada Meena. Akbar had asked Rao Bada to marry his daughter Shashivadini to Akbar. Later on Bharmal married his daughter Jodhabai to Akbar. Then the combined army of Akbar and Bharmal attacked Bada Meena and killed him damaging 52 kots and 56 gates. Bada's treasure was shared between Akbar and Bharmal. Bharmal kept his treasure in Jaigarh fort near Amber.

The hill that Jaigarh was built was called Chil Tila, when it was ruled by Meenas. Later on The state is said to have been founded about eleventh century or 1097 by Dūlaha Rāya, who hailed from Gwalior; he and his Kachwaha kinsmen are said to have absorbed or driven out the local Meenas and Bargujar Rajput chiefs. In which the Meenas were to become a key ally of the Kachwahas.

[edit] Meenas under British rule

A Meena of Jajurh

During British rule in India, they were placed under Criminal Tribes Act 1871, hence stigmatized for a long time[18][19], after independence however they were denotified in 1952. Mark Brown (Social Legal Studies 2004; 13; 191)[20] has well elaborated the impact and issues of Meenas community during the British rule, and change in their status from Higher Social Cast to Criminal Tribe. He also mentioned the division in the Meenas as zamindar Mina group and chowkidar Minas. In his case study he answered why and how Meenas have been put under Criminal Tribal category, even being very different from the other tribal people then. How British manage to control Meenas which were growing threat for British rule in Northern India. In Woolbert's (1898) account of the raising of the Meena Battalion at Deoli the difficulties and achievements of this process were described. Woolbert describes the Minas' history thus:

"The Meenas are an athletic and brave race, tall, handsome, and pleasing to address, obedient to their leaders and sensible in kindness, but at the same time blood-thirsty and revengeful. …"

Vivian (1912) suggested that at the turn of the century there were around one million Minas and related clans, though only a small number of these had ever been involved in criminal activity. Nevertheless, those who were so engaged, most famously the Minas living in the village of Shajehanpur in the district of Gurgaon, south of Delhi, came to be represented as a hereditary band of robbers.

[edit] Recent history

Despite invasions of their lands throughout history, they were never assimilated, thereby retaining much of their culture and individuality.

The Meenas have played an important part in the history of Rajasthan (earlier known as the Rajputana). In former times, Rajput and Meena chiefs, in subordination to the Taur kings of Delhi, ruled over a considerable tract of the country.

During the war with Rajputs and Mughals, the Meena community has been divided in basic four sects (1.) The Zamindar Meena (2.) The Chaukidar Meenas (3) Parihar Meenas and (4.) The Bhil Meena (Tribal).

The Zamindar Meena are traditionally connected with farming profession, and most of them are economically good. They claim a Kshatriya status equivalent to that of the Rajputs. In the local socio-ritual hierarchy they enjoy a clean cast status.

The Chowkidar Meenas, who during the middle age adopted fighting in the armies and later on Britishers enforced them to report on Chaukis regularly to ensure that they do not indulge in any criminal activities known as Chowkidar Meena. Like Zamindar Meenas, Chowkidar Meenas call themselves Meena Thakur and claim Kshatriya status.

The Bhil Meena are said to be descended from those Rajputs who, in the wars between their own tribes or with Muslims, were compelled to quit their native home and seek refuge in the vastness of Rajputana, where they formed alliances with the aboriginal families and established tribe.

The character of Meenas differs from place to place. The Meenas of the Karauli, Sawai Madhopur, Jaipur, Gangapur area are the most important cultivators for the last four hundred years. They expelled the Dhangars and Lodhis from a number of villages they occupied 500 years ago, and have retained their possession until now.

[edit] Meo and Meenas

Majority of Meo population come from Meenas and till date they share same gotras (clan names) and follow very similar Ethics and Culture.

According to Britannica, also called Meo, or Mewati, tribe and caste inhabiting Rājasthān and Punjab states in northern India, and Punjab province, Pakistan, who speak Hindi and claim descent from the Rājputs. In the 11th century, the Meo branch of the Mina tribe converted from Hinduism to Islām, but they retained Hindu dress. Although the Mina and Meo are regarded as variants, some Meo claim that their ancestral home is Jaipur. Originally a nomadic, warlike people practicing animal breeding and known for lawlessness, today most Mina and Meo are farmers with respected social positions. In the late 20th century the Mina in India numbered more than 1,100,000, and the Meo, concentrated in northeastern Punjab, Pakistan, numbered more than 300,000. Both are divided into 12 exogamous clans, led by a headman (muqaddam) and a council (panch) of tribe members. They trace descent patrilineally and divide themselves into three classes: landlords, farmers, and watchmen. Both the Mina and Meo permit widow divorce and remarriage, and the Meo allow a man to exchange a sister or close female relative for his bride. Following Hindu tradition, the Mina cremate their dead while the Meo observe burial rites.

Meo of Alwar, Bharatpur, Dholpur, Karauli, Sawai Madhopur, Gangapur districts of Rajasthan made efforts to come back in Meena community, but the intermarriage concept (i.e., roti and bati) has put down their offer by Meena leaders. As Meo are followers of Islam.

[edit] Origin of the Rajputs in Rajasthan and the Meenas

In the book by Satish Chandra [21], there appears to be a fair consensus that Rajputs were drawn from miscellaneous castes including Brahmans, aboriginal tribesmen and foreigners who had settled in the country. The manner in which they become "Hinduized" or were assigned the status of Rajputs is still not clear in detail, but can be summarised from analogous developments during the later medieval period. Thus, those sections which have control over land or gained political authority at the local and regional levels were often successful in gradually rising in the Varna scale. Conversely, those who lost control over land or local authority often sank in the Varna scale. Rajput was not a caste when it was formed; it was an association or 'Sangh' of various kings 'Raja-Putra' against the Mohammedan invaders.

However, apart from the control over the land and politics authority, a higher Varna status could not be acquired without the support and backing of the Brahmans, The emergence of the Rajputs in north India represented a tacit alliance between those who controlled land and possessed political authority, and the Brahmans who were the legitimizers , so to speak. In return from granting recognition to the various ruling element as Rajputs or Kshatriyas, the Brahmans received generous grants of land and money for their sustenance, and for building and maintaining temples. In the villages there are many instance and stories prevalent where Meena chieftain claimed him self a Rajput. In general Rajputs of Rajasthan are mix of Meenas, Gujjars, Jats and other warrior tribes.

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ Rizvi, S. H. M. (1987). Mina, The Ruling Tribe of Rajasthan (Socio-biological Appraisal). Delhi: B.R. Pub. Corp.. ISBN 81-7018-447-9. 
  2. ^ Mann, Rann Singh (1993). Culture and Integration of Indian Tribes. New Delhi: M.D. Publications. ISBN 8185880034. 
  3. ^ Singh, Kumar Suresh (1998). People of India. Popular Prakashan. ISBN 8171547699. 
  4. ^ Kanakasabhai, V. (1989). The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago. Asian Educational Services. ISBN 8120601505. 
  5. ^ Mukerji, Mohan (1982). Non-story of a Chief Secretary During Emergency, Et Cetera. Associated Pub. House. 
  6. ^ The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 20-21. 1971. pp. 1908–1909. 
  7. ^ Sharma, Mathura Lal (1971). Rajasthan. Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India.. pp. 191. 
  8. ^ a b Kapur, Nandini Sinha (May 2008). Reconstructing Identities and Situating Themselves in History : A Note on the Meenas of Jaipur Region. d'échange bilatéral franco-indien durant le mois de mai 2008. 
  9. ^ [,M1 Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Correspondence and Select Documents By Rajendra Prasad, Valmiki Choudhary Published by Allied Publishers, 1984 ISBN 8170230020, 9788170230021]
  10. ^ Mina or Meenas. britannica. 
  11. ^ a b c Kishwar, Madhu (1994). 'Codified Hindu Law. Myth and Reality ',. Economics and political weekly,.. 
  12. ^ Agrwal, Bina (1989). 'Rural Women, Poverty and Natural Resources',. Economics and political weekly,.. 
  13. ^ Alfred Comyn, Lyall (1996). Asiatic Studies. Religious and Social". Series 1. Published by Adamant Media Corporation. ISBN 1402163576, 9781402163579. 
  14. ^ Chandarao, Ramnath. History of Chandavanshi Meenas. 
  15. ^ Digges La Touche, James John (1875). Report on the settlement of the Ajmere & Mhairwarra districts. Original from Oxford University. 
  16. ^ James, Tod (1993). Annals and Atiquities of Rajasthan. Calcutta: Rupa. ISBN 81-7167-366-X. 
  17. ^ James, Tod (1993). The Central and Western Rajpoot States of India. Calcutta: Rupa. ISBN 81-7167-366-X. 
  18. ^ [Letters in a Mahratta Camp During the Year, 1809, By Thomas Duer Broughton, ISBN 8120610083]
  19. ^ Jaipur - Administration The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908, v. 13, p. 397.
  20. ^ Brown, Mark (2004). Crime, Liberalism and Empire: Governing the Mina Tribe of Northern India. Social Legal Studies 2004 13: 191 218. ISBN 1402163576. 
  21. ^ Satish, Chandra (1996). Historiography, Religion, and State in Medieval India. Har-Anand Publications. ISBN 8124100357. 

[edit] Extra References

  1. "Rajasthan" by Pauline Lynden ISBN 9782843234460.
  2. "Impressions of Rajasthan" ISBN 2-08-011171-X
  3. "Rajasthan". By Monique Choy, Sarina Singh
  4. "Dishonoured by History: 'Criminal Tribes' and British Colonial Policy" By Meena Radhakrishna, Published 2001, Orient Longman, 192 pages, ISBN 978-8125020905
  5. "Historiography, Religion, and State in Medieval India" By Satish Chandra, Published 1996 Har-Anand Publications ISBN 8124100357
  6. "Asiatic Studies. Religious and Social". Series 1 By Alfred Comyn Lyall, ISBN 1402163576 Google Book
  7. India, Its People and Their Secular State, By Ram Gopal, Published 1987, Criterion Publications, India, 460 pages.
  8. Cultural Heritage of Rajasthan By Manohara Prabhākara, Published 1972, Panchsheel Prakashan, Rajasthan (India), 138 pagesOriginal
  9. Brown, Mark. 'Crime, Liberalism and Empire : Governing the Mina Tribe of Northern India'. Social & Legal Studies, 13:2 (2004), 191-218. Publisher: Sage Publications. ISSN 09646639.

[edit] External links

Tribal population is visible in various Indian states and Union Territories. However, during the post-Independence period, all the tribal communities were grouped together as "Scheduled Tribes", under the rule of Indian Constitution.

naga Tribes The primary criteria adopted for delimiting Indian backward communities as "Scheduled Tribes" include:
  • Traditional livelihood of a definitive geographical area.

  • Characteristic culture that includes a whole gamut of tribal modes of life, i.e., language, customs, traditions, religious beliefs, arts and crafts, etc.

  • Archaic traits portraying occupational pattern, economy, etc.

  • Lack of educational and economic development.

The first prerequisite of Indian Scheduled Tribes in relation to a particular State or Union Territory is through a notified order of the President, after consultation with the concerned State Government. These orders can be modified consequently only through an Act of Parliament. According to Article 342 of the Constitution of India, the President, after consulting with the State Governments concerned, has promulgated nine orders so far. This promulgation has distinctly specified the Scheduled Tribes in relation to the concerned State and Union Territories.

India can proudly be called the largest "tribal" population in the world. The scheduled tribes in India constituted 8.2 percent of India`s population according to 2001 census. This interprets into 82 million people. In all, 698 scheduled tribes exist at present in India. The word "scheduled tribe" is an administrative coinage, used for purposes of dispensing constitutional privileges, security and benefits in independent India. The colonial authorities had ushered in the term "criminal tribe" through the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, which denominated 150 tribal communities as "inherently criminal". Independent India annulled this gruesome piece of legislation in 1952, which however went towards a different direction. Unfortunately that colonial law was replaced with the Habitual Offenders Act instead.

Bodo TribesColonial administrative boundaries paid negligible attention to tribal linguistic distinctiveness. The scheduled tribes in India lived across states despite a common background of language. The historical Jharkhand (not the present-day state, here it is being referred to the British lands) spanned across Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal. The Gond region extended across Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa. The Bhils inhabited a region that stretched from Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. The Nagas lived in Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland.

Indian tribal imprint is clearly visible in the Hindu tradition. Much of Hindu civilization possesses tribal forerunners. The tribal element aided in delimiting the Sanskritic inheritance, as the Arthashastra, the Mahabharata and Ramayana suggest. And yet due to reasons of geography, colonial history and several shortcomings in post-independence era, the scheduled tribes are yet to become sophisticated and see the light of day.

The Indian scheduled tribes collectively owned property in keeping with their tradition. The colonial authorities had introduced a land regime where others infringed into traditional tribal lands on the grounds that such land were "terra nullius", i.e. no man`s land. This led to a series of tribal revolts against British colonial rule. And these tribal revolts have been legendary in Indian history, referring to the Malpahariya uprising in 1772, the unrest in Kutch in 1815 and 1832, the Bhil revolt of 1818, the uprising of the Mers in Rajputana in 1820, the rebellion of the Hos in Chote Nagpur in 1831, the uprising of the Khonds in Orissa in 1846 and the Santhal revolt in Bihar in 1855. Heroes like Birsa Munda, Kanhu Santhal and Tantya Bhil stand out valiantly in the chronicles of Indian nationalism. Indian scheduled tribes account for 55 percent of the total displaced population in India.

Khonda Tribes at orissa The Fifth and Sixth Schedules under Article 244 of Indian Constitution in 1950 provided for self-governance in specified tribal majority areas. The then governmental administration issued a draft National Policy on Tribals in 1999 to meet the developmental needs of tribal populations, including the scheduled tribes. Emphasis was laid on education, forestry, health care, land rights, language policy and resettlement. Efforts were also made to distinguish tribal languages such as Bodo, Gond and Santhali. The then Government had established a Ministry of Tribal Affairs. It designated out the states of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand in acknowledgment of tribal sentiment. The subsequent governmental administration drafted the `controversial` Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill in 2005 to deal with their needs.

The Scheduled Tribes in India, also referred to as adivasis (original inhabitants), are spread across the central, northeast, and southern regions of India. These various tribes resided in India long before the Aryans had arrived approximately in 1500 B.C. The tribals were however socially and geographically isolated, following the entry of the Aryans and then subsequently the Muslims and the British. The more than 650 tribes that make up the Scheduled Tribes speak a multitude of languages. They are also religiously diverse, with some following animism, while others have adopted Hinduism, Islam, or Christianity. The social traditions of most tribals make them stand out from the country`s mainstream Hindu population.

Bhils TribesThe category of Scheduled Tribes was established in 1950 in India. It attempted to embrace the country`s diverse tribal groups under a mutual banner in an attempt to help address the disadvantages the tribes encountered and to incorporate them into the mainstream Indian society. Along with being geographically and socially isolated, the tribals have historically been politically under-represented. Their regions of residence also have been economically underdeveloped. Scheduled tribe status under the Indian Constitution has designated reserved seats for tribals in political forums, such as the parliament, along with job reservations in the civil service and educational institutions.

Some of the noted scheduled tribes in India comprise: Andamanese, Bodos, Bhils, Chakma, Dhodia Tribes of Gujarat, Gonds, Khasis, aboriginal people of Lakshadweep, Kurichiya, Kurumbar, Tripuris, Mizos, Mundaris, Nagas, Nicobarese, Oraon, Santals, Todas, Maldharis of Gujarat, Cholanaikkan, Warli, Kisan Tribe, Dongria Kondh, Bonda, Kutia Kondh, Bishapus A`Mishapus.

(Last Updated on : 2/01/2009)

  1. Bhils: Free Encyclopedia Articles at Online Library

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28 children die of hunger in MP

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Dimapur, February 3 (MExN): The Asian Human Rights Commission today said  28 children have died of malnutrition in Madhya Pradesh in the past three months. The commission said in a statement today that the commission has received information that 28 tribal children were "allowed to die of malnutrition."
According to a field report by Madhya Pradesh Lok Sanghash Sajha Manch and the Right to Food Campaign Madhya Pradesh, the families of the deceased children have clearly been deprived of their right to food and right to health. This is due to the failure of government programmes in reaching the tribal communities, AHRC said. "Despite this, the relevant government authorities have not yet taken action to support the victims, or other children in the villages confronting the same situation," the commission said.
The commission said that Shama, a four-year-old boy, died of malnutrition with the associated symptom of diarrhea on December 23, 2009. Shama was of the Bhil tribe and lived in Madrani village in Jhabua District. The commission said: "His father Galia took him to the Anganwadi Centre (AWC; child care centre at village level) where he was not able to get any assistance; they were ignored. Even when the human rights activist assisting the villagers informed the AWC on 9 November that Shama's health condition had severely deteriorated, no action was taken by the authorities. Shama was neither registered at the AWC nor given any support from the government facilities, and died as a result."
In the past three months (October to December 2009) twenty more children have reportedly died in similar circumstances in the village, with seven dying of malnutrition in Agasiya village alone. "The field report proves the implementation failure of government programmes to ensure the rights to food and health in tribal villages," the Asian Human Rights Commission said.
The AHRC stated that the deceased children were completely deprived of health security by being excluded from the public health system. "Of the 28 children, 17 were not registered at AWC, which is the most primary public health institute at village level. However even the children who were registered have never been provided with public health care such as supplementary food grain and immunization, which is a duty of the AWC," AHRC stated.
Even those registered among the deceased children have not received public health care – since workers and other relevant officials never visited  the tribal children. As a result, although the deceased children suffered from malnutrition and other sicknesses such as fever, vomiting, and diarrhea, public servants as duty bearers  failed to respect their right to life.
According to the field report, 93.9 % of the total population lives in rural areas and 87.6% of the urban population lives in poverty. Only 4.5% of the rural population has access to toilet facilities while 1.5% takes water from pipes. Merely 19.4% of the children between 12 to 23 months are fully immunized while 14.6 % of the children between 9 to 35 months have received one dose of vitamin A. These poor facilities and conditions are reflected in the fact that the government recognizes that more than 40% of the children are malnourished in this area.
The AHRC has also written a separate letter to the Chief Justice of India, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food and the Committee on the Rights of the Child, calling for their intervention.

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Dangs sit on a powder keg as power equations change

atish Jha / DNA
Monday, February 1, 2010 11:57 IST
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Ahmedabad: If you thought that the state's southernmost district Dangs, which is a tribal abode is all about peace and tranquility, you need to read further.The talks of Naxal activity may seem unreal as the Dangs police are quick to dismiss any suggestion that leftwing insurgency could be brewing in the district.

But non-communist activists working in the area are not so dismissive. They are deeply worried about the possible consequences of unresolved tribal tensions and growing inequality in the region.

Octogenarian Ghelubhai Nayak is a Gandhian who has been working in the area since 1948. "Dangs is dominated mainly by two tribes— the Bhils who comprise 33% of the local population, and the Kunbi (or Kokani) who are 40% of the population," he said. "Under the British, the Bhils were the rulers of the Dangs and they had invited Kunbis for agricultural work. But the situation has reversed today."

Nayak said that in today's democratic set-up, Kunbis who are the new landlords have emerged as more powerful than the Bhils. "Discontent among the Bhils has been growing and they can be lured by the absurd promises of leftwing activists," he added.

Bhils and Kunbis are frequently at loggerheads over the issue of ownership of land given to the Kunbis by the Bhils for farming.

"Such disputes are becoming more frequent," Nayak said. "The Bhils now want to repossess the land they had earlier given to the Kunbis. The Bhil community is angry and if their alienation continues to grow, communists may move in and start adding fuel to the fire."

The district has been flooded with developmental schemes launched by the stateand the Centre. But there is no significantimprovement in the life of most tribals. Ironically, most of them are not even aware that the schemes have been launched for their benefit.


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List of Scheduled Tribes in India

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This is a full list of Scheduled Tribes in India, as recognised in India's Constitution; a total of 645 district tribes. The term "Scheduled Tribes" refers to specific indigenous peoples whose status is acknowledged to some formal degree by national legislation. A collective term in use locally to describe most of these peoples is "Upajati" (literally "clans/tribes/groups"). See also the Scheduled Castes and Tribes page for further explanation.



[edit] Andhra Pradesh

  • 1. Andh and Raghu
  • 2. Bagata
  • 3. Bhil
  • 4. Chenchu, Chenchwar
  • 5. Gadabas
  • 6. Gond Naikpod, Rajgond
  • 7. Goudu (in the Agency tracts)
  • 8. Hill Reddis
  • 9. Jatapus
  • 10. Kammara
  • 11. Kattunayakan
  • 12. Kolam, Mannervarlu
  • 13. Konda Dhoras
  • 14. Konda Kapus
  • 15. Kondareddis
  • 16. Kondhs, Kodi, Kodhu, Desaya Kondhs, Dongria Kondhs, Kuttiya Kondhs, Tikiria Kondhs, Yenity Kondhs
  • 17. Kotia, Bentho Oriya, Bartika, Dhulia, Dulia, Holva, Paiko, Putiya, Sanrona, Sidhopaiko
  • 18. Koya, Rajah, Rasha Koya, Lingadhari Koya (ordinary), Kottu Koya, Bhine Koya, Rajkoya
  • 20. Malis (excluding Adilabad, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Khammam, Mahbubnagar, Medak, Nalgonda, Nizamabad and Warangal districts)
  • 21. Manna Dhora
  • 22. Mukha Dhora, Nooka Dhora
  • 23. Nayaks-bandaru (in the Agency tracts)
  • 24. Pardhan
  • 25. Porja, Parangiperja
  • 26. Reddi Dhoras
  • 27. Rona, Rena
  • 28. Savaras, Kapu Savaras, Maliya Savaras, Khutto Savaras
  • 29. Sugalis, Lambadis
  • 30. Thoti (in Adilabad, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Khammam, Mahbubnagar, Medak, Nalgonda, Nizamabad and Warangal districts)
  • 31. Valmiki (in the Agency tracts)
  • 32. Yenadis
  • 33. Yerukulas.
  • 34. Banjaras ( in Khammam, warangal, karimnagar, medak, Ranga reddy, Adilabad, Nalgonda )

[edit] Assam

[edit] In the Autonomous Districts

  • 1. Chakma
  • 2. Dimasa, Kachari
  • 3. Garolo
  • 4. Hmar
  • 5. Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War, Bhoi, Lyngngam
  • 6. Any Kuki tribes including:
    • (i) Biate, Biete
    • (ii) Changsan
    • (iii) Chongloi
    • (iv) Darlong
    • (v) Doungel
    • (vi) Gamalhou
    • (vii) Gangte
    • (viii) Guite
    • (ix) Hanneng
    • (x) Haokip, Haupit
    • (xi) Haolai
    • (xii) Hengna
    • (xiii) Hongsung
    • (xiv) Harangkhwal, Rangkhol
    • (xv) Jongbe
    • (xvi) Khawchung
    • (xvii) Khawathlang, Khothalong
    • (xviii) Khelma
    • (xvix) Kholhou
    • (xx) Kipgen
    • (xxi) Kuki
    • (xxii) Lengthang
    • (xxiii) Lhangum
    • (xxiv) Lhoujem
    • (xxv) Lhouvun
    • (xxvi) Lupheng
    • (xxvii) Mangjel
    • (xxviii) Misao
    • [xxviiib] Negrito
    • (xxix) Riang
    • (xxx) Sairhem
    • (xxxi) Selnam
    • (xxxii) Singson
    • (xxxiii) Sithou
    • (xxxiv) Sukte
    • (xxxv) Thado
    • (xxxvi) Thangngeu
    • (xxxvii) Uibuh
    • (xxxviii) Vaiphei
  • 7. Hajong
  • 8. Lakher
  • 9. Man (Tai speaking)
  • 10. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes
  • 11. Mikir
  • 12. Any Naga tribes
  • 13. Pawi
  • 14. Syntheng
  • 15 Burya Sikh
  • 16. Thengal Kachari

[edit] Non-autonomous Assam districts

  • 1. Barmans in Cachar
  • 2. Bodo
  • 3. Deori
  • 4. Hojai
  • 5. Sonowal
  • 6. Lalung
  • 7. Mech
  • 8. Mising
  • 9. Rabha
  • 10.[-bandaru]]

[edit] Bihar

[edit] Gujarat

  • 1. Barda
  • 2. Bavacha, Bamcha
  • 3. Bharwad (in the Nesses of the forest of Alech, Barada and Gir)
  • 4. Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala, Pawra, Vasava, Vasave
  • 5. Charan (in the Nesses of the forests of Alech, Barada and Gir)
  • 6. Chaudri (in Surat and Valsad districts)
  • 7. Chodhara
  • 8. Dhanka, Tadvi, Tetaria, Valvi
  • 9. Dhodia
  • 10. Dubla, Talavia, Halpati
  • 11. Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi
  • 12. Gond, Rajgond
  • 13. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Katkari, Son Kathodi, Son Katkari
  • 14. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
  • 15. Koli (in Kutch district)
  • 16. Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolgha
  • 17. Kunbi (in the Dangs district)
  • 18. Naikd], Nayak, Cholivala Nayak, Kapadra Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana Nayak
  • 19. Padhar
  • 20. Paradhi (in Kutch district)
  • 31. patelia in dahod district
  • 21. Pardhi, Advichincher, Phase Pardhi (excluding Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Junagadh, Kutch, Rajkot and Surendranagar districts)
  • 22. Pomla
  • 23. Rabari (in the Nesses of the forests of Alech, Barada and Gir)
  • 24. Rathawa
  • 25. Siddi (in Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Junagadh, Rajkot and Surendranagar districts)
  • 26. Vaghri (in Kutch district)
  • 27. Varli
  • 28. Vitolia, Kotwalia, Barodia.
  • 29. Dhed
  • 30. Khant
  • 31. Bhangi, Mehtar
  • 32. Balahi, Balai
  • 33. Chamar
  • 34. Chikva, Chikvi
  • 35. Koli, Kori
  • 36. Kotwal.
  • 37. Vaghri (Patadi,Dasada,Mandal ,Gujarat)

[edit] Himachal Pradesh

  • 1. Bhot, Bodh
  • 2. Gaddi and Shippis
  • 3. Kanauwra.

[edit] Karnataka

  • 1. Adiyan
  • 2. Barda
  • 3. Bavacha, Bamcha
  • 4. Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala, Pawra, Vasava, Vasave
  • 5. Chenchu, Chenchwar
  • 6. Chodhara
  • 7. Dubla, Talavia, Halpati
  • 8. Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi, Valvi
  • 9. Gond, Naikpod, Rajgond
  • 10. Gowdalu
  • 11. Hakkipikki
  • 12. Hasalaru
  • 13. Irular
  • 14. Iruliga
  • 15. Jenu Kuruba
  • 16. Kadu Kuruba
  • 17. Kammara (in South Kanara district and Kollegal taluk of Mysore district)
  • 18. Kanivan, Kanyan (in Kollegal taluk of Mysore district)
  • 19. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Katkari, Son Kathodi, Son Katkari
  • 20. Kattunayakan
  • 21. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
  • 22. Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolgha
  • 23. Konda Kapus
  • 24. Koraga
  • 25. Kota
  • 26. Koya, Bhine Koya, Rajkova
  • 27. Kudiya, Melakudi
  • 28. Kuruba (in Coorg district)
  • 29. Kurumanas, Kumbara
  • 30. Maha Malasar
  • 31. Malaikudi
  • 32. Malasar
  • 33. Malayekandi
  • 34. Maleru
  • 35. Maratha (in Coorg District)
  • 36. Marathi
  • 37. Meda
  • 38. Naikda, Nayak, Chollivala Nayak, Kapadia Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana Nayak, 1[Naika, Nayaka also called as nayak,]
  • 39. Palliyan
  • 40. Paniyan
  • 41.[Pardhi, Advichincher, Phanse Pardhi
  • 42. Petelia
  • 43. Rathawa
  • 44. Sholaga
  • 45. Siddi
  • 46. Soligaru
  • 46. Toda
  • 47. Valmiki
  • 48. Varli
  • 50. Vitolia, Kotwalia, Barodia
  • 51. Yerava

[edit] Kerala

  • 1. Adiyan
  • 2. Arandan/ Ernadan
  • 3. Eravallan
  • 4. Hill Pulaya
  • 5. Irular, Irulan
  • 6. Kadar
  • 7. Kammara (in the areas comprising the Malabar district as specified by sub-section (2) of section 5 of the States Reorganisation Act 1956 (37 of 1956))
  • 8. Kanikaran, Kanikkar
  • 9. Kattunayakan
  • 10. Kochu Velan
  • 11. Konda kapus
  • 12. Kondareddis
  • 13. Koraga
  • 14. Kota
  • 15. Kudiya, Melakudi
  • 16. Kurichchan
  • 17. Kurumans
  • 18. Kurumbas
  • 19. Maha Malasar
  • 20. Malai Arayan
  • 21. Malai Pandaram
  • 22. Malai Vedan
  • 23. Malakkuravan
  • 24.[Malasar
  • 25. Malayan (excluding the areas comprising the Malabar district as specified by sub-section (2) of section 5 of the States Reorganisation Act, 1956 (37 of 1956)
  • 26. Malayarayar
  • 27. Mannan
  • 28. Marati (in Hosdrug and Kasaragod taluks of Cannanore district)
  • 29. Muthan
  • 30. Mudugar
  • 31. Muduvan, Muthuvan, Muduvan, Muthuvan
  • 32. Paliyan, (Palleyan), (Palliyar), Paanan
  • 33. Paniyan, Parayan
  • 34. Ulladan
  • 35. Uraly
  • 36. Cholanaickan (In the Reserve Forests of Nilambur South and North Forest Divisions of Malppuram Districts)
  • 37. Kattunaickan (In the Reserve Forests of Nilambur South and North Forest Divisions of Malppuram Districts)

[edit] Madhya Pradesh

  • 1. Agariya
  • 2. Andh
  • 3. Baiga
  • 4. Bhaina
  • 5. Bharia Bhumia, Bhuinhar Bhumia, Bhumiya, Bharia, Paliha, Pando
  • 6. Bhattra
  • 7. Bhil, Bhilala, Barela, Patelia
  • 8. Bhil
  • 9. Bhunjia
  • 10. Biar, Biyar
  • 11. Binjhwar
  • 12. Birhul, Birhor
  • 13. Damor, Damaria
  • 14. Dhanwar
  • 15. Gadaba, Gadba
  • 16. Gond, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur, Badi Maria, Bada Maria, Bhatola, Bhimma, Bhuta, Koilabhuta, Koliabhuti, Bhar, Bisonhorn Maria, Chota Maria, Dandami Maria, Dhuru, Dhurwa, Dhoba, Dhulia, Dorla, Gaiki, Gatta, Gatti, Gaita, Gond, Gowari, Hill Maria, Kandra, Kalanga, Khatola, Koitar, Koya, Khirwar, Khirwara, Kucha Maria, Kuchki Maria, Madia, Maria, Mana, Mannewar, Moghya, Mogia, Monghya, Mudia, Muria, Nagarchi, Nagwanshi, Ojha, Raj Gond, Sonjhari, Jhareka, Thatia, Thotya, Wade Maria, Vade Maria, Daroi
  • 17. Halba, Halbi
  • 18. Kamar
  • 19. Karku
  • 20. Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur, Cherwa, Rathia, Tanwar, Chattri
  • 21. Keer (in Bhopal, Raisen and Sehore districts)
  • 22. Khairwar, Kondar
  • 23. Kharia
  • 24. Kondh, Khond, Khand
  • 25. Kol
  • 26. Kolam
  • 27. Korku, Bopchi, Mouasi, Nihar, Nahul, Bhodhi, Bondeya
  • 28. Kori, Korwa, Kodaku
  • 29. Manjhi
  • 30. Majhwar
  • 31. Mawasi
  • 32. Meena (in Sironj Sub-Division of Vidisha District)
  • 33. Mundra
  • 34. Nagesia, Nagasia
  • 35. Oraon, Dhanka, Dhangad
  • 36. Panika [in (i) Chhatarpur, Panna, Rewa, Satna, Shahdol, Umaria, Sidhi and Tikamgarh districts, and (ii) Sevda and Datia tehsils of Datia district)]
  • 37. Pao
  • 38. Pardhan, Pathari, Saroti
  • 39. Pardhi (in Bhopal, Raisen and Sehore districts)
  • 40. Pardhi, Bahelia, Bahellia, Chita Pardhi, Langoli Pardhi, Phans Pardhi, Shikari, Takankar, Takia [in (i) Chhindwara, Mandla, Dindori and Seoni districts, (ii) Baihar tehsil of Balaghat district, (iii) Betual, Bhainsdehi and Shahpur tahsils of Betul district, (iv) Patan tahsil and Sihora and Majholi blocks of Jabalpur district, (v) Katni (Murwara) and Vijaya Raghogarh tahsils and Bahoriband and Dhemerkheda blocks of Katni district, (vi) Hoshangabad, Babai, Sohagpur, Pipariya and Bankhedi tahsils and Kesla block of Hoshangabad district, (vii) Narsinghpur district, and (viii) Harsud tahsil of Khandwa district]
  • 41. Parja
  • 42. Sahariya, Saharia, Seharia, Sehria, Sosia, Sor
  • 43. Saonta, Saunta
  • 44. Saur
  • 45. Sawar, Sawara
  • 46. Sonr

1. Omitted and inserted by Act 28 of 2000, s. 20 and the Fourth Sch. (w.e.f. 1.11.2000)

[edit] Maharashtra

  • 1. Andh
  • 2. Baiga
  • 3. Barda
  • 4. Bavacha, Bamcha.
  • 5. Baki
  • 6. Bharia Bhumia, Bhuinhar Bhumia, Pando
  • 7. Bhattra
  • 8. Bhil, Bhil Garasia, Dholi Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Mewasi Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Tadvi Bhil, Bhagalia, Bhilala Pawara, Vasava, Vasave
  • 9. Bhunjia
  • 10. Binjhwar
  • 11. Birhul, Borjee
  • 12. Chodhara (excluding Akola, Amravati, Bhandara, Buldana Chandrapur, Nagpur, Wardha, Yavatmal, Aurangabad, Beed, Nanded, Osmanabad and Parbhani districts)
  • 13. Dhanka, Tadvi, Tetaria Valvi
  • 14. Dhanwar
  • 15. Dhodia
  • 16. Dubla, Talavia, Halpati
  • 17. Gamit, Gamta, Gavit, Mavchi, Padvi
  • 18. Gond, Rajgond, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur, Badi Maria, Bada Maria, Bhatola, Bhimma, Bhuta, Koilabhuta, Koilabhuti, Bhar, Bisonhorn Maria, Chota Maria, Dandami Maria, Dhuru, Dhurwa, Dhoba, Dhulia, Dorla, Kaiki; Gatta, Gatti, Gaita, Gond Gowari, Hill Maria, Kandra, Kalanga, Khatola, Koitar, Koya, Khirwar, Khirwara,Korku, Kucha Maria, Kuchaki Maria, Madia, Maria, Mana, Mannewar, Moghya, Mogia, Monghya Mudia, Muria, Nagarchi, Naikpod, Nagwanshi, Ojha, Raj, Sonjhari Jhareka, Thatia, Thotya, Wade Maria, Vade Maria
  • 19. Halba, Halbi
  • 20. Kamar
  • 21. Kathodi, Katkari, Dhor Kathodi, Dhor Kathkari Son Kathodi, Son Katkari
  • 22. Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur, Cherwa, Rathia, Tanwar, Chattri
  • 23. Khairwar
  • 24. Kharia
  • 25. Kokna, Kokni, Kukna
  • 26. Kol
  • 27. Kolam, Mannervarlu
  • 28. Koli Dhor, Tokre Koli, Kolcha, Kolkha
  • 29. Koli Mahadev, Dongar Koli
  • 30. Koli Malhar
  • 31. Kondh, Khond, Kandh
  • 32. Korku, Bopchi, Mouasi, Nihal, Nahul, Bondhi, Bondeya
  • 33. Koya, Bhine Koya, Rajkoya
  • 34. Nagesia, Nagasia
  • 35. Naikda, Nayak, Cholivala Nayak, Kapadia Nayak, Mota Nayak, Nana Nayak
  • 36. Oraon, Dhangad/Dhangar
  • 37. Pardhan, Pathari, Saroti
  • 38. Pardhi, Advichincher, Phans Pardhi, Phanse Pardhi, Langoli Pardhi, Bahelia, Bahellia, Chita Pardhi, Shikari, Takankar, Takia
  • 39. Parja
  • 40. Patelia
  • 41. Pomla
  • 42. Rathawa
  • 43. Sawar, Sawara,
  • 44. Thakur, Thakar, Ka Thakur, Ka Thakar, Ma Thakur, Ma Thakar
  • 45. Thoti (in Aurangabad, Bhir, Nanded, Osmanabad and Parbhani districts and Rajura tahsil of Chandrapur district)
  • 46. Warli (Thane District)
  • 47. Vitolia, Kotwalia, Barodia.

[edit] Manipur

[edit] Meghalaya

[edit] Nagaland

(a list of the major tribes of Nagaland)

[edit] Orissa

[edit] Rajasthan

[edit] Tamil Nadu

  • 1. Adiyan
  • 2. Aranadan
  • 3. Eravallan
  • 4. Irular
  • 5. Kadar
  • 6. Kammara (excluding Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of Tirunelveli district)
  • 7. Kanikaran, Kanikkar (in Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of Tirunelveli district)
  • 8. Kaniyan, Kanyan
  • 9. Kattunayakan
  • 10.Kochu Velan
  • 11.Konda Kapus
  • 12.Kondareddis(kabu)
  • 13.Koraga
  • 14.Kota (excluding Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of Tirunelveli district)
  • 15.Kudiya, Melakudi
  • 16.Kurichchan
  • 17.Kurumbas (in the Nilgiris district)
  • 18.Kurumans
  • 19.Maha Malasar
  • 20.Malai Arayan
  • 21.Malai Pandaram
  • 22.Malai Vedan
  • 23.Malakkuravan
  • 24.Malasar
  • 25. Malayali (in Dharmapuri, Pudukottai, Salem, Tiruchi districts and North and South Arcot regions)
  • 26. Malayekandi
  • 27. Mannan
  • 28. Mudugar, Muduvan
  • 29. Muthuvan
  • 30. Palleyan
  • 31. Palliyan
  • 32. Palliyar
  • 33. Paniyan
  • 34. Sholaga
  • 35. Toda (excluding Kanyakumari district and Shencottah taluk of Tirunelveli district)
  • 36. Uraly
  • 37.Adi Dravidar

[edit] West Bengal

[edit] Tripura

[edit] Mizoram

(Inserted by Act 34 of 1986, s. 14 and Third Sch. (w.e.f. 20-2-1987).)

[edit] Arunachal Pradesh

All tribes in the State including:

[edit] Goa

[edit] Chhattisgarh

  1. Agariya
  2. Andh
  3. Baiga
  4. Bhaina
  5. Bharia Bhumia, Bhuinhar Bhumia, Bhumiya, Bharia, Paliha, Pando
  6. Bhattra
  7. Bhil, Bhilala, Barela, Patelia
  8. Bhil Meena
  9. Bhunjia
  10. Biar, Biyar
  11. Binjhwar
  12. Birhul, Birhor
  13. Damor, Damaria
  14. Dhanwar
  15. Gadaba, Gadba
  16. Gond, Arrakh, Agaria, Asur, Badi Maria, Bada Maria, Bhatola, Bhimma, Bhuta, Koilabhuta, Kolibhuti, Bhar, Bisonhorn Maria, Chota Maria, Dandami Maria, Dhuru, Dhurwa, Dhoba, Dhulia, Dorla, Gaiki, Gatta, Gatti, Gaita, Gond, Gowari Hill Maria, Kandra, Kalanga, Khatola, Koitar, Koya, Khirwar, Khirwara, Kucha Maria, Kuchaki Maria, Madia, Maria, Mana,, Mannewar, Moghya, Mogia, Monghya, Mudia, Muria, Nagarchi, Nagwanshi, Ojha, Raj Gond, Sonjhari, Jhareka, Thatia, Thotya, Wade Maria, Vade Maria, Daroi.
  17. Halba, Halbi
  18. Kamar
  19. Karku
  20. Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur, Cherwa, Rathia, Tanwar, Chattri
  21. Khairwar, Kondar
  22. Kharia
  23. Kondh, Khond, Kandh
  24. Kol
  25. Kolam
  26. Korku, Bopchi, Mouasi, Nihar, Nahul, Bondhi, Bondeya
  27. Korwa, Kodaku
  28. Majhi
  29. Majhwar
  30. Mawasi
  31. Munda
  32. Nagesia, Nagasia
  33. Oraon, Dhanka, Dhangad
  34. Pao
  35. Pardhan, Pathari, Saroti
  36. Pardhi, Bahelia, Bahellia, Chita Pardhi, Langoli Pardhi, Phans Pardhi, Shikari, Takankar, Takia [in (i) Bastar, Dantewara, Kanker, Raigarh, Jashpurnagar, Surguja and Koria district, (ii) Katghora, Pali, Kartala and Korba tahsils of Korba tahsils of Korba district, (iii) Bilaspur, Pendra, Kota and Takhatpur tahsils of Bilaspur district, (iv) Durg, Patan, Gunderdehi, Dhamdha, Balod, Gurur and Dondilohara tahsils of Durg district, (v) Chowki, Manpur and Mohala Revenue Inspector Circles of Rajnandgon district, (vi) Mahasamund, Saraipali and Basna tahsils of Mahasamund district, (vii) Bindra-Navagarh, Rajim and Deobhog tahsils of Raipur district, and (viii) Dhamtari, Kurud and Sihava tahsils of Dhamtari district]
  37. Parja
  38. Sahariya, Saharia, Seharia, Sehria, Sosia, Sor
  39. Saonta, Saunta
  40. Saur
  41. Sawar, Sawara
  42. Sonr

[edit] Uttarakhand

  1. Bhotia
  2. Bauxa
  3. Jaunsari
  4. Raji
  5. Tharu

[edit] Jharkhand

  1. Asur
  2. Baiga
  3. Banjara (Kora)
  4. Bathudi
  5. Bedia
  6. Binjhia
  7. Birhor
  8. Birjia
  9. Chero
  10. Chick Baraik
  11. Gond
  12. Gorait
  13. Ho
  14. Karmali
  15. Kharia
  16. Kharwar
  17. Kond
  18. Kisan
  19. Korwa
  20. Lohra
  21. Mahli
  22. Mal Pahariya
  23. Munda
  24. Oraon
  25. Parhaiya
  26. Santhal
  27. Sauria Paharia
  28. Savar
  29. Bhumij
  30. Sinlung

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Harry Powell


February 2010



Revolutionary Protracted People's War

and participation in the elections and in the bourgeois political struggle

in Italy

Recently we wrote a letter to Alastair Reith, a comrade from New Zealand, in which we talked about the participation of our Party in the bourgeois political struggle, and particularly in the elections, quoting a thesis of the Second Congress of CARC Party (October 2009). Our explanation, anyway, was defective. Here we complete it indicating which is the most important aspect that, here in Italy and in this phase makes the participation in the bourgeois political struggle and particularly in the elections a revolutionary mean.

As the matter regards an issue debated in the international communist movement, we spread this communication widely.

As regards our line to break into the bourgeois political struggle, our position is very different from any other M-L or M-L-M party that agrees in participating in the elections and generally in the bourgeois political struggle, but does not carry out the Revolutionary Protracted People's War (RPPW) for establishing socialism

The Thesis 10 of the Second Congress of our Party says that: "Communists' intervention in the petty theatre of bourgeois politics makes sense and works only if it is connected and inserted in the strategy of RPPW the (n)PCI carries out for making Italy a new socialist country [described in its Manifesto Program, available on the site, EiLE section, Note of the Translator]. Without this connection it would be only electoralism. It would only mean to make the friends of the friends of bourgeois Left Wing or grass root politics (movementism) with no objectives." So, according to CARC Party's Theses who, here in Italy, participates in the elections but not in the ambit of (n)PCI General Plan of Work, not in the ambit of the "caravan" that gathers the organizations working according to it, not in the ambit of the RPPW, is an electoralist (rightist opportunist) or movementist (leftist opportunist). This thesis is absolutely coherent with the conception of the (n)PCI exposed in its Manifesto Program.

The Manifesto Program, of the (n)PCI clearly says that our strategy is the revolutionary people's war, that the accumulation of the revolutionary forces is the main objective of the first phase of the RPPW, that in this first phase our work is fundamentally divided in two fields: 1. consolidation and strengthening of the clandestine party that carries out the revolutionary people's war, and 2. the mass work of the party consisting in promoting, organizing, orienting and directing the struggle of the popular masses in the struggle fronts indicated in the General Plan of Work.

The Manifesto Program says: "The essence of the Revolutionary Protracted People's War consists of constituting the communist party as centre of the new popular power of the working class; in the growing mobilization and aggregation of all the revolutionary forces around the communist party; in the elevation of the level of the revolutionary forces; in their utilization according to a plan for developing a succession of initiatives that put the class conflict at the centre of country political life so that to recruit new forces, to weaken imperialist bourgeoisie's power and to strengthen the new power, to succeed in constructing the armed forces of the revolution, to direct them in the war against the bourgeoisie, until turning the relations of force upside down, eliminate the State of imperialist bourgeoisie and establish the State of proletariat's dictatorship." [Manifesto Program in, Note of Traslator].

According to our conception, we construct revolution as a war developing one campaign after the other and founded on the results we got with the previous one. We oppose this conception to the conceptions according to which we have "to prepare socialist revolution", "to prepare ourselves for socialist revolution", "to anticipate socialist revolution", and "socialist revolution is something that breaks out".

So, our conception and strategy are surely different from the ones of other communist parties that today participate in the bourgeois political struggle in other imperialist countries but don't pursue the strategy of the Revolutionary Protracted People's War, and also from that of the communist parties of the Communist International in the imperialist countries (from 1919 to 1943 and 1956).

The position of (n)PCI and of CARC Party as regards the participation in the elections and in the bourgeois political struggle is substantially similar to that of the Communist Party of the Philippines, even if the Philippines are an oppressed country and not an imperialist country.

Breaking into the bourgeois political struggle gives the opportunity to sharpen the internal contrasts within the bourgeoisie, and to sabotage one of the pillars of the regime of counter preventive revolution, that is the following: "To develop channels for popular masses' participation in bourgeoisie's political struggle in a subordinate position, following its parties and exponents. The popular masses' participation in bourgeoisie's political struggle is an essential ingredient of preventive counterrevolution. The division of powers, the representative assemblies, the political elections and the struggle among various parties (the multipartitism) are essential aspects of the regimes of preventive counterrevolution. The bourgeoisie has to make the masses perceive as their own the State that in reality is that of imperialist bourgeoisie. All those who want to participate in political life must be allowed to participate. The bourgeoisie, however, lays and must lay down the tacit condition that they had to play along with ruling class' laws: they had not to go beyond its social order. Despite this tacit condition, however and immediately the bourgeoisie is obliged to divide more definitely its political activity in two fields. A public one, which the popular masses are admitted to (the "petty theatre of bourgeois politics"). A secret one, reserved to the authorized staff. To tacitly respect this division and adapt itself to it is an indispensable requirement of any "responsible" politician". Obviously, every tacit rule is a weak point of the new mechanism of power." [ Manifesto Program in, Note of Translator]

What does it means to sabotage this pillar, in Italy? As regards to it, it is useful to read this article by Rosa L. on latest issue (n. 33, November 2010) of La Voce, the review of the (n)PCI

To sabotage the third pillar of the regime of counter-preventive revolution.

Who does really sabotage bourgeois elections? Who prevents bourgeoisie and clergy from making the elections a campaign of intoxication of consciousnesses and dissemination of illusions, from renewing and strengthening by the elections the bonds between the people's masses and parties and elements of the ruling classes?

Those who keep themselves out of the electoral campaigns and let free hand to parties, groups and elements of bourgeoisie and clergy do not perform this task. We perform it. We are sabotaging the plan of the bourgeoisie, throwing ourselves to upset the plans of parties, groups and elements of bourgeoisie and clergy everywhere we are able to go, everywhere we are able to mobilize forces to go in, everywhere we are able to orient the most advanced elements.

Elections draw on the relation of force between the classes only if they raise the political consciousness and the organization of the oppressed classes and rouse them to participate more actively and at a higher level in class struggle.

If we are able to realize just this with the elections, then we turn against the bourgeoisie this instrument by which it aims to deceive and neutralize the people's masses calling them every some years to decide who among the exponents of ruling class has to rule the petty theatre of bourgeois politics.

Differently from other revolutionary aspirants, we can use also the elections the bourgeoisie calls for realizing this aim, because we are not waiting for the revolution breaking out one of these days, because of a combination of unpredictable elements on which we have no influence. We construct socialist revolution creating a power more and more branched, pervading and strong, a direction more and more authoritative by the Party over the people's masses he leads to participate in class struggle more effectively. We construct in the country the New Power done by party and by connected mass organizations for constituting a network that orients and direct people masses' activity in every field, against the Authorities of the Papal Republic, against the owners, the clergy and their spokesperson, a network for making the life of bourgeoisie and its agents impossible.

Every electoral campaign gives us starting points and opportunities for raising people masses' consciousness and organization, for weaving the network of the organizations around the Party Committees. We have to use it in order to this!

Some comrades believe that, profiting by the social position they inherit and that the capitalist system of social relations pledges them, bourgeoisie and clergy unavoidably manage to deceive people's masses, to conquer and control their feeling and their mind. It is not true. Bourgeoisie and clergy have difficulties to do it. The practical experience generates continuous spurs to rebellion and thousands reasons for discontent within people's masses. When communist movement was strong, that is when it directed an important part of people's masses, even the Church had to "update" itself, shift to the left in order to not lose every credit and followers, and it was losing it all the same. The Second Vatican Council, called on January 1959 and begun on October 1962, was the synthesis of this attempt by the Catholic Church.

Bourgeoisie and clergy are able to control heart and mind of people's masses only until we communist do not propose to the people's masses a realistic way of emancipation, until the masses do not know us, we do not get them with our calls and our slogans or else we present ourselves full of doubts and hesitations, not knowing what to do, without convictions and certainty to win. Perhaps must we Communists display certainty and knowledge of thing that we have not? Nothing at all! On the contrary we have to deepen the matters we do not know well enough for an adequate action and a line well defined and sure about what to do. The Party is the organizational an moral context that allows to do it. Not by chance all the hesitant and doubtful individuals are also person who have no or little party spirit or they are even anti-party people.

Bourgeoisie and clergy control heart and mind of people's masses also when we Communists present a way of emancipation done only by chatters always postponing facts for tomorrow. After they let establish in our country the Papal Republic, despite the forces accumulated during the clandestine struggle against fascism and during the Resistance, modern revisionists went on for twenty or thirty years promising socialism for next future, repeating empty Marxist formulas, every day postponing facts for tomorrow. Only after many years of such jokes and after they began to cooperate with the bourgeoisie in the repression of revolutionary movements and particularly of the Red Brigades these would be Communists lost heart and mind of people's masses and clergy prevailed again.

Without the creation of the New Power the electoral campaigns are useless and only because of exceptional circumstances Communists are able to collect many votes. In the ambit of the creation of the New Power, elections are instead precious. They make tumble one of the pillars of the counter-preventive revolution upon which the Papal Republic stands: "To develop channels for popular masses' participation in bourgeoisie's political struggle in a subordinate position, following its parties and exponents." [see above, Note of Translator] They create organizations of people's masses autonomous from the bourgeoisie, linked to Party Committees and raise the political consciousness of people's masses until they conceive a country ruled by the organized people's masses themselves, without owners, until they aspire to create it and convince themselves they are able to create it. The revolutionary ideas, when they are right, when they penetrate into the masses, become a force that changes the world and men make history according to their aspirations.

The economic crisis already crumbled the second pillar of the counter-preventive revolution: "To satisfy the requests for a practical and economic improvement people's masses claim more strongly". Our breaking in bourgeois political struggle, if we do it well, will seriously crack the third pillar.

Weakening the regime of counter-preventive revolution creates favourable conditions for strengthening people's New Power.

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