Volume 7, No. 1, January. 2006 |
"The Forest is Ours" — Assert the indigenous Adivasi inhabitants of Dandakaranya and the vast hinterland of India Nitin
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"Jal, Jungle, Jameen hamara hai!" "The forest is ours! Our Right over the forest produce is inalienable!"—These slogans are reverberating across the vast forested, hilly regions of India stretching from the seven North Eastern States to the Wynad belt in the south western tip of the Peninsula, where the indigenous adivasi people of India reside, people who have long suffered the oppression, suppression, exploitation and discrimination in the hands of the imperialists, comprador big business houses, feudal forces, rapacious contractors, moneylenders and traders, forest officials, government bureaucrats and policemen. Ironically, despite its unending chatter about uplifting the girijans (literally hill people), it is the Indian state that is spearheading this oppression and exploitation of the adivasis. The oppression and exploitation of the adivasis has been continuing for centuries and has taken the most cruel forms since the invasion and occupation of our country by the British colonialists. The British colonialists, recognising the vast potential for profits that the backward, hinterland inhabited by the adivasis held in store, exploited its rich mineral and forest resources to the maximum possible extent. They undertook mining exploration, set up plantations and constructed railways on a war footing to plunder the vast natural wealth. They converted these regions into profitable sources of raw material inputs for their industries or for simply looting and selling off the forest wealth. They dug several mines all over the country to carry away the iron ore, manganese, coal, bauxite, gold, diamonds, dolomite, quartz, limestone and lots of other mineral wealth. They cut down the forests for Sal, Teak, bamboo and other natural wealth. They hunted and killed animals and birds driving several rare species to near-extinction. In short, they destroyed the economy, society and culture of the adivasi communities, broke up their collective life, carried them away to distant places to work as cheap labour in tea-gardens, coffee plantations, as construction labour, as casual labour in mines and industries. This was the first big onslaught by imperialist capital on the adivasis of India. Revolts broke out all across the country against the terrible exploitation of these thugs. The great Santhali rebellion of the mid-19th century led by heroic warriors like Siddu Kanu, Birsa Munda and others, the Halba rebellion of 1774-79, the Paralkot rebellion of Gend Singh in 1825, the Muria rebellion of 1876, Gond adivasi revolt (bhumkal) of Abhujmad led by Gundadhur in 1910, the Rampa rebellion of the 1930s led by Alluri Seetharama Raju in East Godavari and Vishakhapatnam in north Andhra, the Gond rebellion of Adilabad led by Komuram Bheem, and several such adivasi revolts shook the British empire and showed the seething anger and the united might of the adivasis. The post-British period in India saw the same pattern of development by the reactionary ruling classes of India who came to power by colluding with the British and other imperialists. Large-scale eviction of the tribals became one of the cornerstones of the new pattern of industrial development. Millions of adivasis have been uprooted from their natural habitat by the huge irrigation, hydro-electric and multipurpose projects, thermal plants, steel plants, bauxite and alumina plants, etc., initiated since the time of Nehru and that are continuing till date. National Parks under various nomenaclature have displaced several lakhs of adivasis from the interior forests. In addition to tribal land alienation there are tribals/ non tribals displaced by development projects (such as dams, mines, industry etc.) that have not received rehabilitation and have ‘encroached’ forest land to eke out a living. According to the estimates of the Planning Commission, 21.3 million people were displaced by development projects between 1951 and 1990 alone. Of these, 8.54 million (40%) belonged to Scheduled Tribes who constitute less than 8% of the total population. Only 2.1 million (25%) of them are reported to have been rehabilitated. The rest were left to fend for themselves. Today, the imperialists continue to step up their plunder unhindered along with their comprador capitalists in India. Contractors, traders and forest officials continue their rampage fleecing the adivasis of what they have. The adivasis are prevented from enjoying their traditional rights of collecting forest produce and they are fined even for collecting wood for the construction of their huts. On the other hand, the contractor-smuggler-CBB-bureaucrat nexus, with the blessings and active connivance of the State, take away the forest wealth without paying a pie. The story of exploitation of the adivasis and the snatching away of their traditional rights over the forests differs little whether it is in the deep jungles of the North East or in mineral-rich Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka or Kerala. The pattern of so-called development being pursued by the reactionary ruling classes of India in collusion with the imperialists is the same—plunder the mineral and forest wealth in the name of developing the industries, displace the local adivasi communities, snatch their rights over the forests, convert them into cheap labourers for the big business and imperialist ventures. And now this plunder is set to increase ten-fold with just the three states of Chhatisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa having signed MoUs of over Rs.3 lakh crores in the course of just the past one year for mega iron ore and steel plants. In the present article let us see the pattern of development pursued by the reactionary ruling classes led by the CBB and backed by the imperialists in Dandakaranya, its impact on the region and its people, the history of struggles of the adivasis and the present upsurge in these struggles for their right over land and forest and mainly for their political power. The Exploitation of Dandakaranya and the Myth of Development Undivided Bastar district, now divided into three revenue districts—Bastar, Kanker and Dantawara—and two police districts, Bijapur and Narayanpur, is the heart of the region of Dandakaranya. It is in this district that the exploitation is at its worst. Besides undivided Bastar, the other two districts that form part of Dandakaranya are Rajnandgaon and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra. Undivided Bastar has an area of over 39,114 sq km (which is slightly larger than the state of Kerala), of which 62 per cent is covered by forests. The forests provide livelihood to the predominantly tribal population that comprises around 87 per cent of the total population in the district. The trees are sal, teak, bijasal, sirsa, kusum, palas, kanha, harra, dhowara, amla, samara etc. Almost 93 per cent of the district’s population is rural and the relative index of development had come down from 44 in 1980 to 35 at present if we take 100 for India as a whole. The comparative index for MP is 73. Irrigation covers only 2 per cent of the cropped area. Agriculture is still subsistent in nature and collection of forest products such as mahua, tamarind, chironji seed, ambadi, kusum, mango kernel, harra, shikakai, karanji, peng seeds, Kosa cocoons, charota seeds, amchur, tora, chirayta, nirmali seeds, karkatiya seeds, bhilwan seeds, cashew, dhavai phool, gum are an important means of livelihood for the majority of the adivasis. Plucking of tendu leaves and cutting of timber provide some income to the families. All family members participate in the collection of tendu leaves during the summer season. The adivasis sell the forest produce in the haat i.e., the weekly bazaar at nominal prices. The traders dupe them by exchanging goods by their weights such as selling a Kilogram of salt for a Kilogram of tamarind, mango kernel, chironge seed, or mahua. The traders also offer loans at an exorbitant rate of 120 per cent per annum to the adivasis. Although traders are prohibited from buying the forest produce from the adivasis under the Mandi Act, they continue to be the biggest buyers in the haats due to the connivance of the police and administration. The unscrupulous traders cheat the innocent adivasis in every sphere—in pricing, grading, weighing and counting of the forest produce. The tendu leaf contractors and officials exploit the adivasis by paying low prices which compels the adivasis to often go on strikes demanding a rise in the rates. While the traders and contractors are looting the adivasis at the micro level, the Indian state, the CBB and the imperialists are carrying out large-scale exploitation by draining the region of its minerals and natural wealth. Iron ore is sold at a nominal price from Bailadilla mines to the imperialists and the CBB. A special railway line was laid to supply iron ore to the Japanese imperialists at a very cheap rate. The Bailadila range of mines is perched on the southern tip of Chattisgarh in Dantewada District. The range comprises of 14 iron ore deposits rising to a height of 1260 metres above mean sea level. The Commercial discovery of Bailadila dates back to 1955-56 when Prof. Euemura of Japanese Steel Mills Association, drew the attention of the Japanese Steel Mills to the richness of the vast deposits of iron ore and its proximity to the Eastern Coast of India. Later an agreement has been signed with the Japanese Steel Mills in 1960. An approval of the project report prepared by NMDC has been given in 1964 and the Mine Plant was inaugurated in November 1968. Recently, the Gujarat-based comprador house of Essar was given permission to set up a pipe-line to transport iron ore from Bailadilla to Vishakhapatnam. In Kanker district, plans have been drawn to open iron ore mines in Chargaon and Raoghat. The government also sanctioned the construction of a railway line from Dalli-Rajahara to Jagdalpur via Raoghat in order to fully exploit the mineral wealth. The Courts rejected a public interest petition filed by an organization against the opening of the mines and gave its green signal to the government to go ahead with its monstrous plans to drain the district of its iron ore. Earlier, the mining of iron ore had begun in Kuvvemari and Budhwarimaad in the same district. The contract for mining the ore in Chargaon and Raoghat was given to NIKKO company which opened an office in Bhanupratappur. The company officials conducted a survey and tried to send the material but were obstructed by the local people. It is said that the mining in Chargaon can go on for 125 years so much are the reserves of iron ore. The effects of the mining on the people’s livelihood and environment are quite terrible. Due to the mining of iron ore in Bailadilla in Dantewara district the water of the two rivers, Sankhani and Dankini, have become poisoned. The mining in Chargaon hill would pollute the stream that flows into rivers Paralkot and Mendhaki ruining the livelihood of thousands of families who survive on these rivers for their irrigation and for fish. Several villages along the stretch of the rivers will not have access to drinking water. The villages around Chargaon have fertile land and they produce two crops of foodgrains. But if the mining is taken up 16 of these villages will be the direct sufferers while several hundred more villages will suffer acute shortages of even drinking water. Following these developments the people of the district formed the Chargaon Khadaan Virodhi Jan Sangharsh Manch. The adivasis of Chattisgarh have been agitating against the various iron ore and other mining projects since long and they bore the brunt of government repression as when they protested setting up of the projects in Bailadilla, Nagarnar and Maulibhat. Let us see the disastrous effects of other projects in Dandakaranya. It is estimated that around 3,278 hectares of forest would be cleared by Raoghat mines. There is a proposal to set up a hydro-electric project on the Indravati river near Jeethamkhandi which would uproot several villages and deplete the forest. Permission has been granted to a private company to set up industry in Maulibhaat. The proposed Rs. 600 crore power project near Bodhghat over the Indrawati is estimated to generate 400 MW of power. This project would clear 13,750 hectares of agricultural land and 9,309 hectares of forest. Adivasi families in 60 villages will become homeless. The effects on the environment are quite severe. Moreover, the power generated from this project is meant for use not for local people but for the big industrial houses and for other states. In undivided Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh produced a substantial 36 percent of the total power generated, contributing 42 percent Thermal and 14 percent of Hydel power but in terms of power consumption, it consumed around 24 percent of total consumption in 1996-97 and 1997-98. Thus the power generated by Chattisgarh is used up by other states even as the people in the state face acute shortages in supply. Hence the people formed the Bodhghat Sangharsh Samiti and began a campaign for the scrapping of the proposed project. Why are the ruling classes showing keen interest in the region? The secret, obviously, lies in the vast treasure that the region holds in its bosom—the millions of tonnes of mineral wealth and timber that could fatten the vultures from Washington to New Delhi. No matter if the entire region is devastated, rivers are contaminated, environment is polluted, homes of adivasi families in hundreds of villages are destroyed and lakhs of people are displaced by this "development". The wealth of the region is mind-boggling to greedy hawkish treasure-seekers who will not hesitate to unleash brutal war against their own people and spell death and destruction to countless people in order to capture this natural wealth. For instance, in Tiriya-Machkot area alone 450 lakh tonnes of dolomite reserves are found which can be used in the iron and steel industry. In Deverapal, Potanar-Laroji, Raikot and Manjhi Dongri of Bastar district 1770 lakh tones of lime stone reserves are estimated. Bauxite is found in abundance in Keshkal tehsil of Bastar district. 53 lakh tones of bauxite reserves are estimated in this region alone. In Markatola of Kanker district and in Barchhegondi region silimanite/ kinite deposits have been discovered and gold deposits have been found in Sona dehi, Michgaon and in some other region of Bhanupratappur Tehsil. Chathisgarh has a variety of rich minerals—iron ore, bauxite, coal, manganese, limestone, dolomite, tin ore, china-clay, quartzite, quartz-silica, fluorite, diamond, granite, corundum etc. In the districts of Bastar, Dantewara, Kanker and Rajnandgaon, iron ore is abundant. In Dantewara and Kanker the reserves are in excess of 600 million metric tonnes each. Bastar also has dolomite and bauxite. Tin ore and corundum are exploited by the MP State Mining Corp in Bastar. It is estimated by the government that there are 75 lakh tonnes of bauxite in Chattisgarh and the entire tin ore is found in Chattisgarh. A fifth of the iron ore in the country is here, and one of the best quality iron ore deposits in the world is found in the Bailadila mines in south Chhattisgarh, from where it is exported to Japan. Rich deposits of Bauxite, Limestone, Dolomite and Corundum are found in the State. The State is lucky to have large deposits of coal, iron ore and limestone in close proximity, making it the ideal location for the lowest cost of steel production. Workable deposits of Corundum are widespread in South Chhattisgarh. Corundum includes semi-precious varieties of Ruby and Blue Sapphire, and possibilities of finding precious varieties exist as well. The corundum mines in Bhopalapatnam have become a source of enrichment for the smugglers and government officials but are of no use for the local adivasis. According to an estimate, the amount of reserves available for some of the major minerals in the region are: 35,000 million tones of coal, 2336 million tones of iron ore, 3580 million tones of lime stone, 606 million tones of dolomite, 96 million tonnes of bauxite and so on. The 150-year-long history of struggles of the adivasi peasantry of Dandakaranya The region of Chhattisgarh, which falls in the present Dandakaranya, has witnessed several tribal rebellions starting from the late 18 century through the 19 century to the first few decades of the 20 century. Some of these tribal revolts were localised while others were more widespread. All these rebellions were centred around the traditionally inalienable right of the tribals on the local resources land and forests. Often the mobilisation was around the issues of tradition, culture and the tribal way of life. These rebellions were also a protest against an alien system of governance and an alien political, economic and social order that had been forced upon them by the British. These tribal rebellions, although they predominantly took place in Bastar, were spread across the various tribal areas of Chhattisgarh as well. It is important to understand the long tradition of protest and rebellion of the adivasis of the region in order to understand their present role in the ongoing people’s war against the Indian state. The Halba rebellion was the first documented rebellion of the adivasis in Bastar against the British and the Marathas. It lasted for nearly five years from 1774-1779. Its significance lies in the fact that it was the first organized resistance by the adivasis against the intrusion of the British in Bastar. The Halba rebellion is also a very important event in the history of Bastar as it was responsible for the decline of the Chalukya dynasty. The fundamental reasons for the rebellion were economic in nature. There had been a prolonged famine, which had severely affected the people who had very little cultivable land. The presence of Maratha forces and the terror caused by the East India Company in these adverse circumstances precipitated the rebellion. The stronger armies of Bastar supported by the British and the Marathas crushed the rebellion. A massacre of Halba tribesmen followed the defeat of the Halba army. The Paralkot rebellion was representative of the resentment felt by the Maria gonds of Abujhmar against the invasion of outsiders, primarily the Marathas and the British. This rebellion was led by Gend Singh who mobilized the Marias against the British. One of the objectives of the rebellion was to establish a world free of loot, plunder and exploitation. The presence of the Marathas and the British threatened the identity of the Marias and they resisted this through organising the rebellion of Paralkot in 1825. The immediate reason for their resentment was the heavy taxes levied by the Maratha rulers. In essence this rebellion was directed against the foreign interference and control of Bastar and its aim was to re-establish the independence of Bastar. The rebellion of Tarapur (1842-54) was once again the assertion of the tribals against the invasion of their local culture and the tampering with their traditional principles of social, economic and political organization. It started with an opposition to taxes levied under the pressure of the Anglo-Maratha rule. For the tribals, these experiences of coercive taxation were alien and new, and therefore they opposed them. The local Diwan became a symbol of oppression and bore the brunt of tribal anger. The Maria rebellion, which lasted nearly 20 years from 1842 to 1863, was seemingly in favour of an inhuman practice of human sacrifice. In reality, the revolt was against the insensitive and intrusive handling of tribal faith. The Anglo Maratha combine did not hesitate to enter and pollute the temple of Danteswari. The facts clearly indicate that this rebellion was more defensive in nature and was waged by the tribals to protect their land and tradition. Furer Hamendorf (Aboriginal Rebellions in the Deccan, Man in India, No.4,1945, PP 2089) writes that all these rebellions were defensive movements, they were the last resort of tribesmen driven to despair by the encroachments of outsiders on their land and economic resources. The adivasis of Bastar were actively involved in the First War of Independence of 1857 with Southern Bastar as the centre of the revolt. Under the leadership of Dhruvarao a battle was waged against the British. He belonged to one of the Maria tribes called Dorla and was supported by his tribesmen. The First war of independence in 1857 was spearheaded in Chhattisgarh by Vir Narain Singh who was a benevolent jamindar of Sonakhan. The British arrested him in 1856 for looting a trader’s grain stocks and distributing it amongst the poor in a severe famine year. In 1857 with the help of the soldiers of the British Army at Raipur, Vir Narain Singh escaped form prison. He reached Sonakhan and formed an army of 500 men. Under the leadership of Smith, a powerful British army was dispatched to crush the Sonakhan army. The British succeeded after a prolonged battle and Vir Narain Singh was arrested and later hanged on the 10th December, 1857. He became the first martyr from Chhattisgarh in the War of Independence. Vir Narain Singh’s martyrdom has been resurrected in the 1980’s and he has become a potent symbol of Chhattisgarhi pride. Later in 1858, the Gonds challenged the British in several battles. In 1859 a very important rebellion began to take shape in Southern Bastar with the tribals refusing to let contractors undertake cutting of Sal trees. The people of these Jamindaris were called Kois or Koyas. This rebellion was against the decision of the British to give contracts for cutting forests to contractors from Hyderabad. These contractors were also responsible for the exploitation of the tribals. The local tribals in 1859 decided that they would not allow the felling of a single tree. The British took this as a challenge to the might of the empire and used coercive methods to continue the felling of trees. This rebellion was a loud and clear assertion by the tribals of their inalienable rights on their forests and natural resources. In 1867, Gopinath Kapardas was appointed the Diwan of Bastar State and was responsible for large scale exploitation of the tribal population. Tribals from different parganas jointly requested the King to remove the Diwan but the King did not concede to these demands. This led to the Muria Revolt of 1876 The rebelling tribals surrounded Jagdalpur on 2 March 1876; the King with great difficulty was able to inform the British forces. Finally a strong British army sent by the Resident of Orissa, crushed the rebellion. The 150 year history of protests and rebellion in Bastar culminated in the Bhumkal rebellion of 1910. This rebellion was widespread affecting more than half of the parganas of Bastar. It symbolized the struggle of tribals against an alien rule attempting to remould the tribal pattern of life. The rebellion was ultimately crushed by strong armies of the British. After the crushing of the rebellion, the local tribals and supporters of the rebellion were subjected to severe abuse. However, the post Bhumkal British policy in Bastar was forced to be more sensitive to the tribals and their traditional way of life. Several policies of the state at that time proved extremely oppressive for the tribals of the region and became focal points of the Bhumkal rebellion. Extensive forest areas were declared reserved forests; resulting in the tribals feeling that their inalienable right over forests has been subverted. Due to the excessive revenue demands of the colonial rule, several tribal villages were given on lease to thekedars who adopted extremely oppressive means to collect revenues from the tribals. The monopoly on liquor brewing also was a causal factor for the Bhumkal rebellion. The tribals considered liquor as the prasad of Gods, and the order banning liquor brewing, amounted to interference in their religious affairs to them. During the rebellion on 7 February 1910, Rani Subaran Kunwar declared that the British rule on Bastar has been abolished and tribal rule was re-established. This declaration sums up the Bhumkal rebellion and the protests of Bastar. It articulates the assertion of the tribals to weed out alien rule and protect their traditional tribal way of life. The anti-imperialist and anti-State struggles of the adivasi peasantry of Dandakaranya It is against the above background of continuous intrusion into tribal lands, society and culture by the outside exploiters and the continuous struggle of the adivasi peasantry for their inalienable right over their traditional lands and right over the forests that the present explosive situation in Dandakaranya, the militant struggles of the adivasis against exploitation in all its forms, particularly against the rapacious plunder by the CBB and the Indian state, and the increasing role of the Gond adivasis in the advancing people’s war can be properly understood. Gonds, who are almost 70 lakhs, are spread out in seven states, but mainly concentrated in five states. This division of the Gond population into several administrative territories is a cruel ploy of the ruling classes to scuttle their development into a single nation. While several other advanced nationalities achieved their statehood through prolonged struggles or through political lobbying, the Gonds have not yet been able to unify their community into a single nationality. In fact, the subjugation of the Gonds commenced from the period of the Kakatiya kings who ruled from Andhra Pradesh in the 14th century. They remain victims of the policy of ‘divide and rule’ first introduced by the British colonialists and which is continuing after the British left. The Gonds are known by different names—Rajgond, Baiga, Madia, Muria, Dhurva/Parja, Bhatra, , Halba, Durggond and Dorla. The Gonds began to lose their traditional lands to the non-adivasis who came from outside and snatched away the lands by taking advantage of the adivasi culture of considering land as a non-commodity and as collective property. As long as the adivasis were unconnected with the outside world, the influx of non-adivasis from the "civilized" world was hardly existent. However, with the construction of roads, railways and bridges, the civilized people from outside flocked to adivasi areas and began to usurp their lands. This so-called development, without any protection to the local adivasis, only made them landless and drove them away from their traditional lands. As observed rightly by the renowned anthropologist, Hamendorf, construction of roads and bridges in the adivasi areas brought forth, not real development, but, impoverishment and destitution to the ordinary adivasis. It is this pattern of development that is continuing to displace the Gonds from their hearths and homes, turning them into homeless migrants, beggars and cheap labourers. The slogan "The Right over the Forest belongs to adivasis!" arose out of this alienation of the adivasis from their traditional means of livelihood. In continuation of their 150-year-long tradition of militant protests and armed rebellions, the adivasis of Dandakaranya, during the period since 1980, have demonstrated their collective might and fighting capacity by turning up in thousands to protest against the government policies that were aimed at depriving them of their rights over the forests. And thousands of them joined the armed struggle spearheaded by the CPI(ML)[People’ War] since 1980 and now advancing under the leadership of the newly-formed CPI(Maoist). Hundreds of villages have armed people’s militia units whose presence, along with that of the regular units of the PLGA, protects the adivasis from the exploitation by the outside land-grabbers, comprador capitalists, contractors, forest officials, government bureaucrats, traders and policemen. The adivasis have taken up massive struggles against the tendu leaf contractors, traders and forest officials and won several victories. Of particular significance is the continuous struggle of the adivasis of Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra against the Ballarpur Paper Mills of the big comprador business house of Thapar. As a result of this militant struggle against Thapar’s exploitation of the adivasis, the latter could increase the rates of bamboo several times. The adivasis had also stopped the indiscriminate felling of the forest by the contractors, timber smugglers and the CBB in Dandakaranya region. Now wherever they are organized they enjoy the right over the land and the forest resources. It is now well established that it is not the adivasis who are responsible for the denudation of the forests but it is the contractors and the CBB who are the culprits. Contrary to the myth floated by the ruling classes that forests are being denuded by the adivasis, it is the latter, led by the CPI(Maoist), who are the real protectors in DK and other regions in the country. The attempts by the ruling classes to plunder the wealth of the region through various mining and other projects that cater to the needs of the imperialists and the CBB, have been thwarted by the organized and consistent resistance of the adivasis. The Indian state is desperately trying to break the back of the movement by resorting to massive suppression campaigns through the might of the police and central para-military forces as well as through various cunning ploys and intrigues such as: creating divisions among the adivasis, taking up so-called developmental activities to win over a tiny section, creating a network of police informers, and unleashing a brutal reign of terror. The Jan Jagaran Abhiyan or Salwa Judum, initiated mainly in Dantewara district, and Gaon Bandhi in Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, are recent examples of the attempts by the reactionary ruling classes to pit one section of adivasis against another, aimed at creating schisms within the adivasis and weakening the ongoing revolt of the adivasis. Given the huge mining interests in the region the ongoing Salwa Judum campaign in the region is particularly horrifying with the forces having mobilised lumpens burning down 50 villages, brutally killing over 100, including children and raping about 30-40 women. To terrorise the populace the severed heads are hung on trees and post of their own houses. Despite all these desperate attempts by the Indian state, the struggles of the adivasis are forging ahead undeterred. For instance, adivasis of Bastar came out in large number protesting against the inclusion of Bastar (i.e., the three districts of Bastar, Dantewara and Kanker which were in Bastar district until 1998) in the new state of Chattisgarh which was formed in November 2000. Thousands participated in demonstrations and rallies held in Kunta, Bhopalapatnam, Madded, Bhairamgarh, Bhasagudem, Narayanpur, Kondagaon, Koelbeda and other towns. Around 25,000 people attended the rally in Narayanpur in 2001. Also in end-2001, a 10,000-strong morcha was held by adivasi peasantry in Orcha in Maad division demanding education for their children and healthcare for the adivasi people. Demonstrations took place in Kunta, Bijapur and other towns in south and west Bastar. As drought struck the area in 2002 and government bureaucrats played with the lives of the people by swallowing the foodgrains and funds allotted for the ‘Food for Work’ scheme, adivasis under the leadership of the DAKMS confiscated the foodgrains from the government godowns and private hoardings and distributed them to the starving people. In Maad and North Bastar divisions several famine raids were conducted on the godowns and foodgrains were seized. In south Bastar, the houses of landlords and traders mainly in the bordering areas of Andhra Pradesh were attacked and several tones of foodgrain were distributed to the people. Thousands of people were mobilized in these raids which became successful despite heavy police protection to the landlords. The gond adivasis have also begun to directly confront the armed police defying the threats, intimidation and restrictions imposed by the latter. In January 2003, for instance, around 12,000 people demonstrated in front of Manpur PS in Rajnandgaon district protesting against police atrocities. When the police opened fire on the adivasis they retaliated by beating up some police officials upon which the latter turned tail. Soon after 3000 adivasis demonstrated in front of Gyarapathi PS in Gadchiroli district in Maharashtra and warned the police of dire consequences if they did not stop their atrocities. The peasants also issued similar warnings to the police in Marripalli PS. Four thousand adivasis of Kishtaram area in south Bastar demonstrated peacefully in Seethapuram village condemning the atrocities perpetrated by the police of neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. The police opened indiscriminate fire on the people killing an 18-year-old adivasi girl, Kadthi Some. On February 10, 2004 bhumkal divas was celebrated throughout the region of Maad. 10,000 adivasis, including 4,000 women, attended the meeting held in Nelnaar village to commemorate the bhumkal (rebellion) that took place in 1910 against the British imperialists. The significance of bhumkal lies in the fact that for the first time the Madiya gonds formed their own kingdom by throwing out the British. The uprising, however, was crushed within five days after the formation of the adivasi kingdom. Conclusion No society can survive without food and no industrial development can take place without access to minerals and forest products. A society can survive without the computer or the internet but it is impossible to do so without agriculture, mining, and forest products. That is why in spite of the hype about information technology and knowledge revolution, the imperialists and the ruling classes everywhere are unleashing plans to control the natural wealth without which the wheels of industry and, consequently, the advance of society, grinds to a halt. It is a fact that the natural resources in the world are limited. In India the resources are continually being depleted due to the unbridled loot by the imperialists and big business. As the mineral and other natural resources are getting depleted the imperialists and the ruling classes of India led by the CBB and their imperialist masters are evincing keen interest in the hitherto unexplored mineral-rich regions in order to keep their profits from falling. Today, most of these resources lie in regions where the people’s war led by the CPI(Maoist) is strong and advancing. Whether it is the mineral-rich region of Jharkhand, or Orissa, Chattisgarh or Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra or Andhra Pradesh, the regions inhabited by the adivasis are virtually in the control of the Maoists. This fact was acknowledged by none other than the Prime Minister himself. Talking to journalists at Bangalore, he stated: "The Union Government is concerned, particularly as the Naxalites have emerged in the hilly areas of central India, where there are our mineral and hydel resources. The Naxalite movement is gaining momentum and the Centre (the Central Govt.) is concerned." The Indian ruling classes are obviously worried that the adivasis in this vast tract of land have risen up in arms against the reactionary Indian state and exploiters of various hues and are asserting their inalienable right over land, natural resources and forest. They are fighting for establishing their power and authority over these regions by destroying the power and authority of the Indian state that represents the comprador capitalist and feudal forces. Hence the imperialists and the Indian ruling classes, through the armed might of the Indian state, have been drawing up diabolic schemes to unleash the most cruel terror over this vast tract, to enact massacres of adivasi people who dare to resist the exploitative practices of the ruling classes and to turn the entire region into a graveyard if necessary in order to squeeze it of its mineral and forest wealth. Hence it is all the more important that the people of the entire country stand up in support of the ongoing people’s war and the militant struggles of the adivasis and fight unitedly against the machinations of the Indian ruling classes and their mentors abroad. |
Volume 7, No. 7, August-September-October, 2006 |
Government Prepares for a Massive Clamp Down on Maoists |
As though the butchery of Maoists in AP and Dandakaranya are not enough the Hitlerian state prepares for a massive crackdown on Naxalites to please their imperialist and comprador masters. In AP the fake encounter of the AP State secretary of the party, Com. Madhav, is just the latest in the series of ruthless brutality of the state. This was preceded by the massacre of nine comrades in Rayalseema in end April 2006 followed by four killed a few days later on May 1st; the butchery of eight in Mahboobnagar; the killing of state secretariat leader, com Shridhar and two others; and now the state secretary of the party together with another seven to eight. In all the incidents senior leaders of the CPI(Maoist) Party have been martyred. But not satisfied with this level of brutality the AP government is demanding the introduction of the Army. In the DK area since the Salwa Judum terror was started last June over 250 innocent villagers have been massacred by the marauders. But here the Maoists have been able to effectively hit back. The latest action at Errabore village of Dantewada district in which about 33 SPOs and Salwa Judum lumpens were wiped out, and the camp destroyed, under the very nose of the CRPF, have created even greater panic in the rulers, with the Chhathisgarh government also demanding the introduction of the army. In Bihar over hundred have been arrested over the last few months and Jharkhand extensive combing operations are going on. Both the states have already beefed up their forces. Yet both the states have also been demanding the introduction of the Army. It was not surprising therefore that on August 9th at a top secret conclave top brass of the Naxalite affected states and para-military forces gathered at Bhatinda (in Punjab) and held a high level meeting with the army authorities at the local military station. The participation of senior police officials of AP, Bihar, Jharkhand and Chhathisgarh was reported. It was attended by various DGPs, ADGPs, IGs, and even some of SP rank officials from these four states, along with officials from the Indian army, the CRPF and the Intelligence Bureau. The meeting was also attended by the Punjab DGP. In addition the Centre has allocated five of the most sophisticated unmanned aerial vehicles, latterly purchased from Israel, to spy on the Maoist camps and bomb them. These are being allocated to all the effected Maoist states. While all other meetings, and there have been a series of them, have been held under the auspices of the Home Ministry, this was the first to be initiated by the army in their own headquarters. In fact the Union Home Secretary, V.K.Duggal, appears to have become an expert on planning and execution of anti-Naxalite activities. In just the last few months he has held a series of such meetings. In end April itself at a meeting chaired by Union Home Secretary, V.K.Duggal, and attended by the Chhatisagrh Chief Secretary and DGP, besides KPS Gill, CRPF Chief and IB top brass a tentative plan was chalked out to be vetted by KPS Gill. But the action at Errabore upset these plans and new plans were chalked out at a hurriedly called meeting by the Union Home Secretary, V.K.Duggal. Present at this meeting were Chhathisgarh Chief Secretary, IB Director, CRPF Director General, and senior officials of the MHA. At this meeting the Centre proposed full time arming of the SPOs, consolidation of the camps by bringing down the numbers, drawing up of a proper security plan for the ‘relief’ camps of SJ lumpens, strengthening of local intelligence and also enhancing the number of the CRPF. A few days later, on July 21st yet again a high level meeting was held in Bubhaneshwar which was attended by the Chief Secretaries and DGPs of the Naxalite affected states. And so the preparations for an even more ruthless offensive are taking place. Even the web site of this independent magazine has been illegally banned. Though this is a legally registered magazine the rulers have banned the web site sine May 15th. Two states, Orissa and Jharkhand, have recently banned the Maoist Party and many mass organisations. This was done in a crude and blatant manner to placate the mining mafia don, Laxmi Mittal. The latter, on a recent visit to these states, had openly threatened that he cannot be expected to invest such large sums in his mining projects unless the Naxalites are crushed. Obviously the army and police are to be used for the service of the likes of the Mittals, TNCs and the big time compradors. This fact should not be missed by those who tend to equate the violence of the revolutionaries with that of the state. Unfortunately some human rights activists are unable to understand the ruler’s game-plan in this Salwa Judum campaign of using tribals as cannon fodder and tend to condemn both the State and Naxalites for the deaths of tribals. If they do not want innocent tribals not to be killed they should first talk of their upliftment where thousands and thousands die each year out of hunger, disease and poverty. This is no less a brutal violence against the lives of the people. In areas of naxalite influence for the first time ever the tribals saw a better life — of dignity and self-respect. For the first time ever they saw an end of their inhuman exploitation and were able to better their standard of living. The masses of the country and all progressives need to strongly demand of the government to stop the use of the para-military and the proposed use of the army against its own people. Of course the oppressed masses will resist any onslaught on them by these forces and beat back their offensive however ruthless it may be. |
Volume 7, No. 7, August-September-October, 2006 | |
PM’s Vidarbha ‘Package’ a Big Hoax | |
The Prime Minister’s visit to the cotton belt of Vidarbha in early July was a big hoax for the cotton growing farmers of the area. The so-called package had virtually nothing for the affected farmers and so it was quite natural the number of suicides have in fact gone up after his visit. Though crores were spent for this show-piece visit the outcome was nothing. For the meeting with a select 35 farmers at Waifad in Wardha district, a special helipad was built; massive security was put in place in every corner of the village and enroute, and he was accompanied with an entourage of officials and politicians. Meanwhile suicide deaths continue at an even faster rate. Rural distress is increasing. While the PM’s ‘package’ will only be a boon to the big farmer, the seed company, the textile magnates, the banks and moneylenders. The major amount of the ‘package’ of Rs.3,750 crores comprised Rs.2,177 crores for 82 major and 442 minor irrigation works. This was anyhow part of existing programmes and was nothing new. Anyhow, even if implemented, it would only irrigate a further 3% of the area where the irrigated land at present adds up to a mere 11%. But while supposedly giving this benefit the PM was totally silent on the Maharashtra Water Resources Regulatory Authority Act, 2005 which puts irrigation beyond the reach of all except corporate farmers. It compels farmers to use drip irrigation and could raise irrigation costs by thousands of rupees per acre. Those unable to pay the huge hikes in the offing could be fined of up to ten times the new charges. So what is the purpose of even this limited irrigation for the poor and middle peasants with such an Act in place? Then, another part of the package is Rs.180 crores for "seed replacement". This is nothing but a gift to the multinational Monsanto whose Bt cotton seeds badly failed in Vidarbha. All that the package really gives is a Rs.712 crore waiver on the interest on bank loans. But this too will go primarily to the rich farmers to whom the bulk of the institutional loans go to; the poor being primarily dependent on the moneylenders. So, notwithstanding all the fanfare, in the PM’s package there was little for the poor farmer, but it was, in essence, yet another step to push commercialization of agriculture in the interests of the big TNCs and compradors. In addition Rs.50 lakhs has been given to each of the six collectors of the region for immediate relief. One knows how such funds are primarily diverted to the corrupt officials. Not even a word was mentioned on raising the price of cotton which was drastically reduced by Rs.500 per quintal last year. Even when the price was Rs.2,200 per quintal farmers were in deep distress; yet the Maharashtra government further reduced the price to Rs1,700 per quintal last year. When prices of all commodities are going up this reduction has been the major cause in the increased spurt in suicides in the current year. Not only that, there was no word from the PM to reverse the decision that now allows big corporations to freely purchase the cotton. Prices will be steadily pushed down by the powerful cartels. In addition there was no waiver on the actual bank loans (not to mention those of the moneylender), 80% of which are up to a mere Rs.25,000. If these small loans to banks were written off it would have cost a mere Rs.1,200 crores which is insignificant compared to the massive amounts written off to big business in the name of NPAs (non-performing assets), and the huge subsidies given to seed companies. While 60% of the land has switched to Bt cotton, the use of pesticides has not reduced, in fact there has been an increase. And with this years floods a large part of the high-priced seeds have been washed away adding to the farmer’s woes. So, the farmers are pushed deeper into the clutches of the rapacious moneylenders. Sahibrao Adhao in his suicide note profiles the state of moneylending in this belt. He says, here there is no mortgage. You just give the moneylender a straight deed of sale for your land. In theory, he returns the land when you pay up. In truth, he holds on to it even after you have paid up. In fact, he demands more money. When he was alive he made a police complaint against the moneylender for cutting down the trees on his land. The police arrested him for trying to stop the moneylender from cutting trees on land grabbed from him. Till now in the last one year about 1,000 farmers have committed suicide in the six districts of Vidarbha. The number of suicides since the PM left Vidarbha on July 1 st is now (August 3rd) well past the 100 mark. Before his visit, 101 farmers took their lives in 49 days. The same number killed themselves in 33 days after the visit ended. That is, the rate of suicides rose from around two a day to over three each day. One in every eight hours!! This means that July 2006 saw an eight-fold increase compared to the same period last year. But, these are the understated official government figures; the actual deaths would be much higher. In this season as pesticide spraying starts and they lie in the hands of the farmer and the debts continue to mount the number of suicides can only go up further. One must remember that the actual suicides are only the tip of the iceberg. Lakhs and lakhs would be in a similar situation but would struggle somehow to stay alive and not take the fatal step. Meanwhile as we go to the press it is reported that even with the interest waiver the banks are not giving new loans as they are well aware that with the low price of cotton the farmers will not be able to repay the loan any way. The tragedy is that, except for a few journalists, the bulk of the media and intellectuals are silent on this horrifying tragedy unfolding in rural India. If in just one region there have been 1,000 suicides the figure in the whole country could well be imagined. The figure of the number of those killed in so-called Naxalite violence in the last one year is, according to official figures, about 500 in the last year — a small fraction of those who died by suicides. But the government and the media (also some intellectuals) make a hue and cry about it as those killed are often the pillars of the establishment or their henchmen (whether police, informers, lumpens, contractors, or village elite who have been ousted from their power base), while those who go for suicide are the helpless poverty stricken rural masses. A Salwa Judum ‘activist’ has been given a high-flying label by Mahendra Karma of being a tribal revolt (though actual a lumpen or an agent of the ousted village elder), while a Rahate in village Kavita of Amravati district, who committed suicide is a non-entity. The cause of the suicides is basically hopelessness of the poverty stricken masses. They see no way out of their spiraling debt. They see no future for their children except to be born into debt and die in greater debt. It is this horrifying scenario that is pushing many a farmer to the brink. But if Naxalites were present they would immediately call for the abolishment of all the debt to both the banks and the moneylenders. They would build their armed forces to beat back the hoodlums of the banks/moneylenders who attempt to seize their property with the assistance of the police. There will be deaths in the process but the villagers will witness a new awakening of the possibility of a better future, if not for themselves, at least for their children. The deaths here will have a meaning, as it will give birth to a new hope, a new future. It would then be ridiculous to cry over the deaths of the rapacious moneylender or his ‘poor’ (lumpen) henchmen and police/SRP associates. Thousands of lives will be saved from suicides. The birth pangs of any new society are indeed painful; and no amount of modern technology can do away with the pain. The Naxalites would put forward the following immediate demands: abolish all the debt of the poor and middle farmers, ban Bt cotton and kick Monsanto out of the country and punish their agents here; increase the subsidy to agriculture and raise the price of cotton to Rs.3,000 per quintal; reduce the prices of inputs; punish the moneylenders, corrupt traders, and their rapacious touts; reverse the decision to privatize sale of cotton; and compensate the small and middle farmers for the losses they have faced. In the long term the Maoists would demand: thorough-going land reforms and the redistribution of land along the lines of "land to the tiller"; with only 11% of the land irrigated, undertake massive irrigation works (focusing primarily on small projects); undertake projects for re-forestation, water conservation and water harvesting; encourage organic farming suited to people’s needs and not that of the market; improve health care which has reached terrible proportions today; and organise people’s committees and the entire masses so that the people can run their own lives with a new confidence. No doubt if the Maoists were to enter the region and organise the masses along these demands they would have to face the bullets of the state for which they would have to defend themselves with their own people’s army. But what is the alternative? Is there any ‘peaceful’ answer? Or should the mass suicides continue, no doubt ‘peacefully’?
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Volume 7, No. 6, July-August, 2006 |
Imperialist MNCs and their Indian Agents get out of Bastar! - Sharda |
This was the slogan with which the Adivasi peasants of Dandkarnaya launched a militant anti imperialist struggle as a fitting tribute to the memory of the three great revolutionary heroes, comrades Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of their martyrdom. Defying the on going brutal campaign of suppression, the "Sulva Judum", thousands of Adivasi peasants held series of meetings in hundreds of villages all over the Dandakaranya area, distributed thousands of leaflets, pasted hundreds of posters and erected banners during the period 20th to 23th March, paying rich revolutionary tribute to the three most beloved sons of our land, comrades Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev. Speakers at these meetings dwelled at length on the great patriotic zeal and staunch anti-imperialist stand of the three great martyr heroes, particularly emphasising that the only true tribute the people can pay in their memory is to carry forward the immortal heroes’ banner of struggle against imperialism through to the end, to wipe out once for all both imperialists and their Indian agents. Focusing in particular on Bastar, the speakers pointed out how the imperialist plunder is going on unhindered for the past six decades and how this process is being accelerated under the impact of the globalization policies of the ruling classes. Bastar, they pointed out, with its vast mineral and forest resources has for long been the happy hunting ground for the imperialists and their Indian agents like the Birlas, the Thapers etc. The Japanese imperialist have been plundering iron ore from Bailadilla mines from decades on, that too yet dirt cheap rates. The Indian ruling classes, forever at the service or their imperialist masters, have even constructed a railway line right from the mines all the way up to Visakhapatnam port in Andhra Pradesh – Kirundum – Waltair line – spending thousands of crores of people’s money, solely to benefit the Japanese imperialist. To further accelerate this export of the ore at a much cheaper cost of transportation, the rulers recently completed the laying of a pipeline upto Visakhapatnam, to carry the ore through the slurry method – this project was executed by one of India’s big comprador houses, the ESSAR. Moreover, the National Mineral Development Corporation (a central government undertaking), which is the main facilitator for the Japanese imperialists in this route of looting our ore for the past four decades, recently concluded another agreement to continue to supply ore for ten more years – which is certain to be extended until all the mines are totally depleted. This, the speakers pointed out, happened at a time when 112 iron industries of the small and medium sector, located in Chattisgarh, closed down as the raw material was beyond their reach – they had to pay four times the rate at which Japan is purchasing the ore. This is in essence is the patriotism of our rulers, the speakers pointed out – the rulers are feeding more and more iron ore to satiate the hunger of Japanese steal industries, while pushing national industries out of existence by denying than the raw material. The BJP government in Chattisgarh, for all it’s rhetoric about "Swadeshi", did not lift even a finger to rescue these Indian industries, which are dying out. Moreover it is busy signing MoUs with big comprador houses like the Tatas, the Jindals, the ESSARs, selling away all the forest and mineral wealth of Bastar forever. Thus, the speakers urged the masses, unless they stand up and fight for the retention of their traditional right of ownership over the land, water and mineral resources of Bastar, the entire Koya (or Gond) race will get trampled out of existence. This, the speakers emphasised, was the background and one of the main reasons for the launching of the genocidal ‘Salva Judam’ campaign. Since, the people of the Dandakaranya, during the last 25 years of the revolutionary struggle under the leadership of the Maoists, have not only vanished all institutions of the exploitive state from their area but also started building their own organs of peoples power – the Janathana Sircars - including military organs, with good capabilities. Moreover through this process they not only accepted their traditional right of ownership of their land and are firmly determined to defend their right. So, the rulers at the state and centre were in a quandary, as they were not in a position to hand over DK on a platter to the compradors and the imperialist MNCs. So, the speakers explained, the state government, with the active backing of the centre, launched the genocidal Salva Judum campaign, aiming to achieve their objectives. The firstbeing to try to wipe out the revolutionary movement led by the Maoists, under which the people were running their own organs of power, and the other is to wipe out villages one after the other and forcefully herd the people in new settlements located on highways, so that, the MNCs, and the comprador houses will have all the forest areas for their free exploitation and will, in addition, have a vast reserve of uprooted Adivasi peasants as a cheap source of labour. As such, the speaker pointed out the fight against Salva Judum is in essence a fight against the imperialists and their Indian agents. The speakers urged the Adivasi masses to act as the true inheritors of the anti imperialist struggle legacy of comrades Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Shukhdev by defeating Salva Judum, thus dealing a telling blow to the imperialists and their Indian agents. Enthused by this, the Adivasi masses responded with a firm resolve "Come what may, we will certainly defeat the Salva Judum !", "We will not allow Bailadilla ore to be exported to Japan !", "It must be supplied to the national industries only!". The people then gave a call to the owners of local industries "Come join hands with us in the fight against the imperialism!" Having taken this pledge they immediately went in to action. The Koya Bhumkal militia of Bailadilla, at first, conducted an extensive campaign against the policies of the NMDC, which is exporting iron ore depriving the local industries of this ore and thus leading to their closure. They distributed leaflets and pasted posters about this. There after they raided the Banse railway station on the Krundul-Waltair line, blasted a railway engine, due to the impact of which the warhead electric traction also got damaged. There they removed rails to a length of 30th meters. Meanwhile the Koya Bhumakal militia, roared that they are the rightful owners of all lands, water and mineral resources, burnt a conveyer belt at Bachali to a length of fifty meters. Than another batch of this militia blasted a tower carrying 220 KV(HT) electricity supply lines near Barsoor in protest against the state and central government negligence towards the closer of the 110 industries. Finally, the entire DK area observed a Bundh on March 23rd as a militant anti imperialist protest in commemoration of the 75th martyrdom day of the three great anti imperialist patriots. |
Accoring to the cultue and tradition of tribal people have the entertaintment programmes of Dance and songs. The chief attraction is the evening dance and songs. Though tribal people talk in the own language at home, they use regional language in the market places. Hunting is one of the people's favourite recreations. In the hot season and especially in the month of "Chaitra", when all the world makes holiday, organized beats are held in which all the men and boys of the village take part, armed with bows and arrows, axes or spears and occasionally with matchlocks and slay any live things, irrespective of age or sex, which they may meet in the forest. Such expeditions, as a matter of course, culminate in a feast and earouse inthe village. At a Parojas dance all the girls and the younger married women of the village form themselves into a chain, each maiden passing her right hand behind the next girls back and grasping the left elbow of the third. The girls arrange themselves carefuly according to size, the youngest, who are generally nine and ten years old, at one end and at other the leader of the crops de ballet who carries a boton of pecocks feathers in her right hand to mark the time. Three or four men take their stand in the middle of the dancing floor and strike up song which they accompany on their mandolins while the long chain of girls linked together and moving in perfect time, follow the leader with her, swaying baton, through an intricate searies of sinuous lines, curvest spirals, figures-of-eight and then unnavel themselves back into line again.The chain of comenly young maidens dressed in their hair neatly oiled and decked with flowers and all in the height of good humor is a picturesque and pleasing sight. |
Under the guidence of the director dances and songs were performed in the regional language. Many entertainment and cultural programmes were organised by the officials working in Dandakaranya Project. Public Relation Officers of Dandakarnya Project arranged film shows in villages. At the eneavour of the local people teachers and Government official dramas were shown in the recreation centre of District Hqrs. The Kalamandap is used for entertainment programmes. The Sakhi Dance of Ganjam was also practiced here for some time. Dashera and Kalipuja are celebrated here with much enthusiasm. During puja Bengali Opera and dramas played. At Balimela under the sponshorship Gopabandhu Cultural centre and Tamasa Art centre cultural programmes are also held. Tribal folk songs are also relayed by Jeypore Akashbani centre. Rajesh Hanshada of Anglo vaidic School at M.V.-2 participated in the Bankok Asiad Sports in Archary. |
All the tribe adopt music as one of the chief items of amusement and during peak festival season it becomes their main occupation.They are very fond of music and a varity of crude instruments, stringed, and percussive are in use. Women sing in chorus when working in the fields, and men and boys while away in the lonely hours of watching cattle by warbling to themselves plaintive melodies on bamboo flutes or twanging a two stringed mandolin provided with a dried gound for a sounding board. Dancing is however, the dirversion of which all men and women alike are most passionately fond. In time of festivals dancing parties begin at nightfall, last whole night and continue even through the following day. Each tribe has its own particulr dance. The best efforts of the Kondhs are clumsy beside those of some of the tribes. Tribes like Bondas, Gadabas, Kondhs and Koyas have their own distinctive music and musical instruments. The preparation and manipulation of some of these instruments are done with such skill that, exteremely simple though they are, it becomes almost impossible to emulate them. In each tribe different type of music are prescribed for different seasons and different occasions.
On the whole, the Bondas keep their own rules fairly well. they observe the taboos on incest or adultery and their religious obligations with such fidelity that the few exceptions are long remembered. The Bonda spent a great deal of time on their religion and its feasts and holidays are an important part of Bonda life which can hardly be understood apart from them.Cetrain features are common to every festival. The religious occusions are real festivals and holidays; dancing accompanies each festival and there are some relaxation of rules which forbid men and women of the same village to dance together. At every festival there is a routine worship or placeation of every demigod and demon in the calendar. The chief festival amoung the Kondh is the Kedu festival which was once associated with human sacrifice. At present a buffalo is sacrificied in place of the human victim.
The Koyas have an interesting dance i which the men tie buffalo or bison horns on their heads and engage in mimic fight; their women also dance prettily in a ring with their hands in each other's shoulder.
The dances of the Gadabas are simpler but no les spirited. The chain of girls, alldressed exactly alike in their red, white and blue striped sarees reaching barely halfway to the knee, and with their feet loaded with heavy chased brass anklets which they clink together in time, swings around in a circle to the accompaninet of muffled drums.The girls chant together in unison as they go around, and the time gets ever quicker and quicker, their steps longer and longer, but still perfect steps is kept until the chain breaks or the leader is exhausted.Out of the Red
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There is an Alternative
‘‘WE welcome media friends to India’s first Liberated Zone in the making,’’ says the welcome note handed out by the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee the moment we enter the ‘base area’. We are also handed a document titled ‘Janatana Sarkar: Policy Statement’.
The Janatana Sarkar, we learn, is an alternative form of governance established by the Maoists after overthrowing the present Government system. Their three concerns: local administration, development and defence.
‘‘Twenty years ago, when these dadas first came here, we thought they would rob us and molest our women. But they kept on visiting our villages, whether we gave them food or not. Gradually, our fears died down,’’ says one elderly villager. ‘‘In fact, harassment by village chiefs, forest and police personnel decreased after the dadas set foot here.’’
From what they say, it seems the tribals—dependent on the forest for their livelihood—were taxed or fined for everything, from grazing and firewood collection to house-constructions and weddings. The alternative was arrest.
One elderly villager tells us an interesting story: ‘‘Though we had pattas for our land, our patel told us our rights were restricted to the top six inches of that land—and it was government land below that! We were fined if we ploughed a little deeper or dug a pit.’’
Root of Reform
The idea of establishing a guerrilla zone in Dandakaranya was first mooted by Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, founder of People’s War. Way back in 1979, a squad was sent here for a recce; another five squads followed the next year.
But their task was not limited to organising the tribals against atrocities. The Naxalites understood that the tribals—still dependent on gathering food—needed to develop their skill in agriculture. ‘‘Teaching them to plot, plough, manure and weed land was a herculean task,’’ recalls a long-time Maoist leader, showing off rows of nursery fields within the forest.
In the early days, after erratic rains undermined their agricultural efforts, the Naxalites came up with the idea of digging lakes, which would ensure at least one crop a year. That idea laid the foundation of today’s Janatana Sarkar: Since 1995, hundreds of such lakes have been dug in Bastar and Dantewada districts, irrigating land and breeding fish.
The Janatana Sarkar has also experimented with cooperative teams, usually comprising five families each, who work together on their own fields while the landowner claims the harvest. After many trials and errors, the system is now running successfully in many villages.
Though the very existence of private property means that society is class-based, the Maoists believe that the experiments taking place here will serve as a model for tomorrow’s classless society.
Two-Way Bond
There exists a strong bond between the Maoist party and the local people, fostered through monthly village meetings that discuss common problems and the needs of the village. It helps that a majority of squad members are from the local tribes. ‘One from each family to the People’s Army’ is the slogan of the Maoists.
The bond works both ways. To tackle malaria—a major scourge, which claims hundreds of people every season—the Janatana Sarkar has set up a small team trained to administer a few medicines and injections in each village. To simplify things, each team-member is in charge of a particular medicine. So a villager goes to one person if he has fever and to another if he has loose motions.
In return, the armed village militia act as a shield for the Maoists, the first gatekeepers for police combing squads, informers and spies.
So integrated are the Maoist squads with the adivasis’ lives that the village children play ‘Ambush’ and ‘Lal Salaam’ just as other children play ‘Chor-Police’. ‘Ambush’ pits one team playing police with sticks (guns) against another team, which surprises the first to snatch away their weapons. In the other game, the teams stand facing each other and conduct a kind of marchpast with the usual saavdhan-vishram punctuations.
FEMINISM IN THE FORESTS
At one time, it was common for Adivasis to kidnap young girls and ‘marry’ them forcibly. The Maoists played a crucial role in ending the jabardasti marriages and removing taboos that barred women from the granary and proximity to deities.Today, there are two main people’s organisations for the party in Dandakaranya: the Adivasi Kisan Majdoor Sangh and the Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangh. While the first focuses on tribal agriculture, the second works on the uplift of tribal women. The Mahila Sangh won a major victory when it acquired, for married women, the right to wear a blouse. If women constitute around 30 per cent of each squad today, the Sangh gets a major share of the credit. Women head two of the five divisions of the Janatana Sarkar committee in Dandakaranya.
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