"The CPI(M), which has been primarily responsible for the lawlessness has been exposed by its own ridiculous statement. The state is witnessing a bloodbath and the governor has taken a right and timely step in urging all political parties to end violence," CLP leader Manas Bhuniya told PTI here.
Bhuniya, a WBPCC vice-president who was chased and thrashed along with eight of his party MLAs on July 15 allegedly by CPI(M) activists at Mangalkot in Burdwan district, said despite the Left party's claims, violence was taking place against Congress and Trinamool Congress workers and supporters in the state.
"Instead of criticising the statement of the governor, the CPI(M) should restrain its cadres.
The meeting is seen as significant as the government is drawing extensive plans to battle rising food prices, which many expect to go up further in view of poor monsoon in large parts of the country.
Unhappy with the efforts taken by the government to tackle the price situation, the opposition led by NDA walked out of Lok Sabha yesterday - the last day of the Budget session.
Earlier in the day, Singh, in his meeting with the chief secretaries of states, underlined the need for taking strong action against hoarders and black marketers to check the upward spiral in prices of essential goods.
| Left slams governor's tandava salvo |
| OUR BUREAU |
| Aug. 7: The Left Front today again questioned governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi's "neutrality" following his expression of concern about the spiral of violence in Bengal since the parliamentary polls. "We would humbly like to submit that the constitutional head of the state should exhibit more apparent neutrality while making statements in public," the front said. Gandhi had described the bloodbath as a "veritable tandava" last night and said: "…I believe, those who can act are not doing so." The government today stressed the chief minister was "as concerned as the governor" about the violence and that steps to contain it were being taken in earnest. The front "shared the grief expressed" by the governor but, "pained and compelled", it complained that he had failed to make the "distinction between the killers and the killed". A team of Left MLAs had met the governor earlier and alleged atrocities by the Trinamul Congress-led Opposition. Today's front statement pointed out that the governor had not expressed his concern in public about the violence unleashed by Maoists, particularly against CPM sympathisers. "We have no knowledge of any public statement released from Raj Bhavan" after the their "attempt to kill the chief minister of the state", it said. The CPM had also questioned Raj Bhavan's stand after Gandhi expressed his "cold horror" following the police firing in Nandigram on March 14, 2007, that left 14 dead and condemned the party's recapture of Opposition-held areas that November. It accused Gandhi of turning a blind eye to crimes committed by Opposition supporters in the run-up to the firing and the recapture. His role during Mamata Banerjee's highway blockade in Singur to resist the Nano project also came under fire. "If (the) worship of force in all its forms has be to eradicated, the way (the) highest office of the state behaves should also call for a meaningful change," the front said today. Governor Gandhi's tenure is scheduled to end in December. While the CPM would like to see his back, Mamata would like to ensure his second term, today's reactions of the two camps suggested. In Delhi, the railway minister said the governor was "absolutely true". "The CPM-led government that sponsors violence has no moral right to continue in power." The front said the violence since the announcement of the Lok Sabha polls had been "targeted against the CPM in particular". It claimed 74 CPM and two Forward Bloc workers had been killed and listed four Jharkhand Party (Naren) supporters, two villagers and three polling personnel among the other victims. Referring to Gandhi's mention of a "perceptive Indian", the statement said such a person would not have missed the "difference" between the victims and the perpetrators. While leaving Writers' for the day, the chief minister did not respond to queries. Chief secretary Asok Mohan Chakrabarti said: "Our chief minister is as concerned as the governor...." Home secretary Ardhendu Sen and police chief Bhupinder Singh have been asked to take "immediate steps" to contain the violence. "They will particularly focus on districts like West Midnapore, Purulia, Bankura and Burdwan, where clashes have been frequent. We are not sitting idle," the chief secretary added. Mamata criticised the promulgation of prohibitory orders in violence-racked Mangalkot in Burdwan on the eve of a Trinamul team's visit. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090808/jsp/bengal/story_11335492.jsp |
Gargi Parsai
NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Saturday said there was drought in 141 districts in the country and that people must be prepared for a further rise in the prices of essential commodities as there was a shortfall of six million hectares in the area under paddy crop this kharif owing to deficient southwest monsoon. This is the first time that the government has admitted to drought, price rise and specific shortfall in kharif sowing operations.
Addressing a meeting of State Chief Secretaries here on drought and price rise, the Prime Minister assured them of central government's full support regarding additional assistance for tackling drought. He asked States to quickly send to the Centre detailed memorandum for assistance under the Calamity Relief Fund or the National Calamity Contingency Fund.
No State has so far sent its memorandum seeking central assistance. Funds to enhance food production under for Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna and Food Security Mission were also lying utilised by some state, he bemoaned.
Mr. Singh said monsoon had been delayed or been deficient in many places, though some parts had received normal or excess rainfall. Agricultural operations had been adversely affected in several parts of the country causing distress to farmers and their families.
Observing that ``in no case should we allow citizens to go hungry'', he said if need be the government would take strong measures and intervene in the market. ``We are helped by the fact that there were adequate food stocks owing to record production and procurement of foodgrains in 2007-08 and 2008-09.''
Seeking better coordination between the Centre and States for effective implementation of the Public Distribution System and action against hoarders and blackmarketeers, he said, ``We expect State governments to intervene in procurement. This would, in addition, reduce the cost of procurement, storage, freight and distribution and ensure availability of foodgrains to people.''
The Prime Minister empahasised upon the chief secretaries of drought affected states to immediately bring into operation contingency plan for crops, drinking water, fodder, human and animal health and keep a close watch on the availability of foodgrains and prices of essential commodities.
Stressing the need to act ``promptly, collectively and effectively'', Mr. Singh urged States to immediately commence relief operations. The potential offered by the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme should be fully utilized and the availability of seeds, fodder and cattle requirement should be closely monitored. Wherever appropriate, cattle camps should be organised.
Mr. Singh advised states to go in for an ``area specific strategy'' wherein the production of traditional crops like paddy could be maximised in areas that received good rainfall, and areas with scanty rainfall could look for alternate crops. At the same time, planning for rabi should be done to compensate for kharif losses. As the country was deficit in pulses and oilseeds, the Prime Minister saw this as a good opportunity for diversification to pulses and oilseeds.
More than 125 senior bureaucrats of States and Union Territories and union ministries are attending the crucial meeting convened by Union Cabinet Secretary K.M. Chandrasekar. The daylong meeting is expected to evolve an Action Plan to meet the crisis from deficient rainfall that has hit crop sowing in important rice-growing states. The worse affected are Bihar, parts of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Manipur and Assam.
It is feared that the shortfall in sowing may have a far-reaching implication for farm economy and overall GDP growth.
http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/000200908081531.htm
"Let the tandava of violence end"
Marcus Dam
| Governor's appeal to political parties |
"Not a day passes without someone somewhere being killed for politics"
"Duty of political leaders to tell their followers to stamp out these fires"
KOLKATA: Regretting the "veritable tandava [dance] of political violence" West Bengal has been witnessing in recent months, Governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi, in a strongly-worded statement issued here on Thursday, called upon political leaders across the spectrum to prevail upon their followers and supporters to "stamp out the fires" breaking out across the State.
Responsibility
As for the responsibilities of the State government, he expressed confidence that it would "move swiftly to check the phenomenon of illicit arms, act to rapidly bring the perpetrators of violence to account and instil confidence among the people that their politics and their security are not linked."
"Not a day passes without someone somewhere being killed for his politics. The widow's wail rends each day," Mr. Gandhi observed.
Intervention
Leaders of parties including those of the Left Front, the Trinamool Congress and the Congress have been calling on Mr. Gandhi over the past few days seeking his intervention to stem the violence raging in the State.
"When the leading political formations of West Bengal have the same objective why should violence not abate?," the Governor asked. "Because, I believe, those who can act are not doing so" was his conclusion.
"Three fires burn in the political life of our State," Mr. Gandhi noted. They were "of fear, of the agony of bereavement, of rage."
Identify the violent
"It becomes the duty of our State's political leaders to tell their followers and supporters that they must stamp out these fires. It becomes their duty to see that none provokes or gets provoked by violence into further violence. It becomes their duty to identify the violent within their own organisations and leave them to be dealt with by the law. This responsibility lies with all political leaders right across party divides," Mr. Gandhi said.
Extend cooperation
"Yesterday [Wednesday] the delegation of the Left Front MLAs asked me to 'extend necessary cooperation to the State government in all possible ways for the protection of life, property and democratic rights of the people of the State.' I have done so in the past and consider it to be my duty to do so again and again. I believe that all of us must do our duty," the Governor added.
http://www.hindu.com/2009/08/07/stories/2009080760572000.htm
Public reasoning can combat terrorism: Amartya SenIBNLive.com - 8 hours ago Nobel Laureate, economist and philosopher, Professor Amartya Sen has just published a new book The Idea Of Justice. In the book he argues that central to ... The rational synthesis Livemint Unions should be constructive partners in growth: Amartya SenHindu - Aug 5, 2009 ... constructive partners in the growth of institutions to play a meaningful role in society, according to Nobel laureate and eminent economist Amartya Sen. ... No victors in Singur: Amartya Sen Economic Times Remove unjust practices first: Sen Times of India "I am on Left," says Amartya SenHindu - - Jul 28, 2009 LONDON: Amartya Sen has called for the Indian Left to regard him as a friend saying that his criticism of the Left parties over their stand on the India-US ... Instant Justice at LSE: students snap up Amartya Sen book in 15 ... Calcutta Telegraph The relevance of Amartya Sen Livemint Slowdown failed to hit India because mkt not as free: AmartyaEconomic Times - Aug 3, 2009 ... recession failed to hit India because the market here is not as free as in the west, Nobel laureate and eminent economist Amartya Sen said here today. ... Midday meal grouse at Pratichi meet Times of India Amartya Sen's story of justiceTimes of India - - Jul 25, 2009 In an exclusive interview with The Times of India, the Nobel laureate speaks about his most ambitious book yet. Who is this book for? ... Seek justice, only if you deserve it Times of India Amartya Sen to chair Infosys Foundation jury for social sciencesEconomic Times - Jul 15, 2009 15 Jul 2009, 1904 hrs IST, PTI BANGALORE: Nobel laureate Amartya Sen will chair a five-member jury of the Infosys Science Foundation, ... Amartya Sen wants India to address problem of injusticeDailyIndia.com - Aug 6, 2009 Kolkata, Aug 6: Noble laureate Amartya Sen has said that India required many landmark changes to address the problem of injustice. ... 'Acquisition should be the last resort'The Statesman - Aug 5, 2009 Prof Amartya Sen, who was in Kolkata on Wednesday to deliver a lecture based on his new book ~ The Idea of Justice ~ spoke to Uday Basu on questions of ... 'We're caught in a wave of pessimism'UTVi - Aug 7, 2009 MUMBAI: Renowned economist and nobel laureate Amartya Sen says he is unhappy over the slow progress in dealing with the economic crisis by the US and ... |
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August 07 in History
| 1819 | Simon Bolivar and Francisco de Paula Santander lead Colombian troops to victory against Spain in the Battle of Boyaca, effectively ending Spanish control of Nueva Granada. |
| 1830 | Louis-Philippe is elected King of France by the legislature in succession to Charles X and becomes known as the Citizen King. |
| 1858 | Ottawa is chosen by Queen Victoria as capital of the Dominion of Canada. |
| 1858 | The first game of Australian Rules football is reportedly played in Melbourne, with 40 players on each team and a pitch 800m long. |
| 1892 | Death of Doc Ngu (Nguyen Duc Ngu), leader of an armed resistance movement against the French in the Da (Black) River region in northern Viet Nam. |
| 1904 | Birth of Ralph Bunche; As UN mediator in Palestine, he negotiated the Arab-Israeli truce and won the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts. He was UN under secretary during 1954-67. |
| 1912 | Russia and Japan sign an agreement determining spheres of influence in Mongolia and Manchuria. |
| 1931 | Death of US jazz musician Bix Beiderbecke (born 1903). He was a self-taught pianist and cornet player and was the first white jazz musician to be recognised as a luminary of the jazz world by black musicians. |
| 1941 | Death of Indian author, poet and philosopher Rabindranath Tagore (born 1861). He won the Nobel Prize for literature in 1913 for his collection of poetry, Gitanjali, drawing on traditional Hindu themes. |
| 1943 | The Thanh Nien (Young People) newspaper, initiated by architect Huynh Tan Phat, publishes its first issue. Supported by many intellectuals and artists, the newspaper became a rallying point for young patriots in the south of Viet Nam. |
| 1957 | Death of American comedian Oliver Hardy (born 1892), half of the comedy duo Laurel and Hardy. He was teamed with Stan Laurel from 1926 and they made over 100 films until 1950. Their Music Box in 1932 won an Academy Award. — AP/REUTERS/VNS
http://vietnamnews.vnagency.com.vn/showarticle.php?num=01HIS070809 |
Tagore memorial in ruins
The marble slabs on the ground are damaged at many places, mounds of sand and rubble lie piled here and there. Labourers can be seen mixing these raw materials and carrying them for some repairwork outside the memorial. The ornamental shed in the centre, which was built at the exact spot where Rabindranath Tagore's pyre was lit in 1941, is also worn out. Deep cracks can be seen all over. At first glance, it seemed that the sand and mortar were meant for some restoration work of the memorial. But that was vain hope. These raw materials had been "stocked" there for some other repair work elsewhere.
This is not all. Kolkata Municipal Corporation, which runs the burning ghat, says it cannot repair the memorial because "technically" it is maintained by the state public works department. Surprisingly, the PWD claims it is not "aware" of such a responsibility in a "KMC-run territory".
So, what happens on August 8, the poet's death anniversary? The state's official website, Banglar Mukh, proudly announces that a memorial service and wreath placing ceremony will be organized at the spot. Moreover, Rabindra Bharati University's usual programme is also on schedule.
A beautification project undertaken two years ago also seems to have met a dead end. According to plans, KMC civic engineering department was to take up restoration of the entire burning ghat, including the Tagore memorial. A real estate promoter had assured to shell out the lion's share of the estimated project cost of Rs 9 crore .
Today, no one in the KMC health department or the civic engineering department has a clue as to what happened to the project.
"That project is now on hold. I do not know why the sand and mortar are stacked inside the memorial. The executive engineer of borough II would know better," said KMC's director general (civil), P K Dua.
Himangshu Roychowdhury, the engineer concerned, was more candid. "We cannot repair or restore the memorial because it is under the control of the PWD. The passage leading up to the memorial gate, belongs to us and we are repairing it. We will remove our labourers and raw materials before the death anniversary," he said.
But, why does the memorial remain locked all year long? "We open the gates for the public only twice a year on Tagore's birth and death anniversaries. Otherwise, we will have to employ a durwan for closing it at the end of the day!" Roychowdhury reasoned.
Rabindra Bharati University vice-chancellor Karuna Sindhu Das said: "Your report is extremely sad. I will make my own inquiries to see if RBU can help out in any way."
PWD minister Kshiti Goswami said, "Why should a memorial inside a burning ghat owned by the KMC be looked after by the PWD? It is sad that a Tagore memorial should lie in such a state."
Today is Shraban 22 of the Bengali month, the 67th death anniversary of the Nobel Laureate poet Rabindranath Tagore. He died on this day in 1941.
Rabindranath Tagore has a great contribution in the arena of Bengali literature. He is the greatest poet of the Bengal. His wonderful creations not only confined to poetry, he virtually left no field of literature untraced in his lifetime and every field of literature in Bengali was illuminated by his touch whether it is song, story, novel, drama, travel or essays. His influence is such that neither his contemporaries nor the following generation could come out of his style and influence completely.
He is the only Nobel Laureate in Literature in Bengali - also only in the Sub-Continent. He won the Nobel Prize in 1913 for his great composition 'Geetanjali.' After so many years Bengali language could not produce any giant except Kazi Nazrul Islam, our poet of revolution.
Like previous years, the day will be observed elsewhere in the globe especially in Bangladesh and the West Bengal, India in befitting manner. Many cultural organisations organise various programmes to mark the 67th death anniversary of Tagore.
In Bangladesh, the day will be observed with pride, due respect and to pay homage to him. Television channels will air various special programs including musical soiree, dance, recitation and discussions today.
BTV, Bangladesh Betar, ATN Bangla, Channel i, Ekushey Television, NTV, RTV, Banglavision and Channel 1 will air various special daylong programmes to mark the day.
Besides, newspapers and magazines will publish articles and reviews and different cultural and social organisations will exhibit their performances.
Rabindranath Tagore is not only a poet of the West Bengal - he is equally honoured and equally respected in Bangladesh.
Nobody can confine a language with borders. So Rabindranath will be read and respected wherever there is Bengali spoken people are staying. Many of his literature were written in Bangladesh territory in Shilaidaha and Sajadpur. Most important, one of his songs 'Amar Sonar Bangla, Ami Tomai Bhalobashi……' is the national anthem of Bangladesh.
Rabindranath Tagore became a part of the culture and part of the identity of Bangladesh where religion didn't cause any hindrance in this assimilation.
http://nation.ittefaq.com/issues/2008/08/06/news0958.htm
Thursday, August 6, 2009
68th Death Anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore
Clockwise (from top-left): A scene from "Tumi Ki Keboli Chhobi"; Asaduzzaman Noor on "Derajey Dilem Rekhey"; artistes on "Rabindra Kabbey Borsha"; a special episode of "Grameenphone Tritiomatra" and Kiran Chandra Roy on "Rabindranath-er Mon-er Manush". On the occasion of Tagore's death anniversary, TV channels will air special programmes today. Highlights:
ATN Bangla
"Rabindra Kabbey Borsha"
Musical programme "Rabindra Kabbey Borsha," will be telecast at 3:10 pm. The programme will feature works of Rabindranath on monsoon. Tagore singers Sadi Mohammad, Rokaiya Hasina, Mohadev Ghosh and others will sing Rabindra Sangeet on rain. Ananna Barua and Animika Bhattacharya will stage dance performances. The programme is hosted by Dr. Afsar Ahmed.
"Pashchatto Shurey Rabindranath"
Musical programme "Pashchatto Shurey Rabindranath" will be aired at 2:30 pm. The programme will feature performances by Auditi Mohsin, Lili Islam, Chanchal Khan, Chhaya Karmakar and others. Hosted by Tapan Mahmud, the programme has been directed by Mukaddem Babu.
Channel i
"Grameenphone Tritiomatra"
A special episode of "Grameenphone Tritiomatra" will be aired at 9:50 am. Faridur Reza Sagar, managing director, Channel i and Impress Telefilm Limited, is the host of today's episode. Tagore artiste Mita Haque, Sajjad Sharif and Partho Tanvir Noved are guests on the show.
"Shorashori Rabindranath"
Special programme "Shorashori Rabindranath" will be aired live at 3:05 pm. Hosted by poet Asad Chowdhury, the programme will feature performances by Sadi Mohammad, Lili Islam and Kazi Arif. Professor Abdullah Abu Sayeed and Manzur-e Mawla will take part in a discussion.
ntv
"Rabindranath-er Mon-er Manush"
Musical programme "Rabindranath-er Mon-er Manush" will be aired at 9:30 am. The programme will feature performances by Kiran Chandra Roy, Chandana Majumdar, Shefali Sarkar and others.
"Malancho"
Single episode TV play "Malancho" will be telecast on ntv at 3:10 pm. Directed by Abu Sayeed, the play is an adaptation of a Tagore story. The play centres on a couple -- Aditya and his ailing wife Niroja. Aditya is a trader; his busy schedule allows him very little time to take care of Niroja. Niroja, on the other hand, spends all day in her room awaiting her husband's return. The cast includes Azizul Hakim, Tania Ahmed, Sweety, Shanu and others.
"Ei Din-e Tarey"
Recitation programme "Ei Din-e Tarey" will be telecast at 6:45 pm. In the programme Jayanto Chattopadhyay, Matin Mridula and Keya Chowdhury will recite Tagore poems and Lili Islam will perform Tagore songs.
Ekushey TV
"Tyag"
Single episode TV play "Tyag" will be aired at 10:10 pm. Directed by Ferdous Hassan, the play is an adaptation of a short story by Tagore with the same title. The cast includes Shimul, Richi Solaiman, Dilara Zaman, Wakil Ahmed and others.
"Tumi Ki Keboli Chhobi"
Musical programme "Tumi Ki Keboli Chhobi" will be aired at 5:45 pm. Auditi Mohsin, Nandita Yasmin, Anima Roy and Selina Huda have performed songs on the programme.
Desh TV
"Kobi"
TV play "Kobi," an adaptation of Tagore's story "Protibeshini," will be aired at 9:45 pm.
The story follows Sudha and Sukanto, two orphans reared in their aunt's house. Sudha is married off but her happiness is short-lived as her husband passes away shortly.
Sudha's family rents a house next to a poet's. Nabin, a friend of the poet, visits almost everyday. Both fall for Sudha.
The play, adapted by Asaduzzaman Nur, has been directed by Rabiul Karim.
Mamo, Rawnak, Arunav Anjan, Naresh Bhuiyan and Laila Hasan play the lead roles
"Derajey Dilem Rekhey"
Special programme "Derajey Dilem Rekhey" will be aired at 8:15 pm.
At the age of 75, Rabindranath Tagore wrote a poem titled "Nimontron" (included in the collection of poetry "Bithika"). The protagonist of the poem writes a letter to his beloved, but doesn't know who the recipient would be.
Asaduzzaman Nur will recite the poem "Nimontron" while Sadi Mohammad will render two songs on the programme.
The programme has been compiled and anchored by Manzur-e Mawla.
http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=100259
Rabindranath Tagore - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Sharmila Tagore - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Gitanjali by Rabindranath Tagore Rabindranath Tagore and Gitanjali - Song Poems. ... RABINDRANATH TAGORE'S. GITANJALI. "Song Offerings". Translations made by the author from the original ...
www.schoolofwisdom.com/gitanjali.html - Cached - Similar -
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August 2009
Barbara J. King
features
A Wild (and Captive) Wauchula Night for Chimpanzee and Man
Apes, chimpanzees in particular, are notably volatile. Measured in their behavior one moment, they are impulsive the next; calm of mood for a while, they agitate readily. Writing about chimpanzees (and other sentient animals) in The Wauchula Woods Accord, Charles Siebert mirrors this volatility. He tacks from insightful probing into animal-human relationships to over-the-top fancying of apes as living relics of our ancestral past. Siebert's narrative wobbles along as unsteadily as an infant primate taking its first steps.
The book is structured around a middle-of-the-night encounter between Siebert and a 28-year-old chimpanzee named Roger who is housed at the Center for Great Apes in Wauchula, a small town in south-central Florida. The CGA, in my brief experience a well-run and inspiring sanctuary to visit, houses 42 apes cast-off from stints in the entertainment industry -- apes like Bam Bam, the orangutan who played a nurse on a televised soap opera; Jonah and Jacob, chimpanzee stars of commercials and a movie; and Roger, who performed with Ringling Brothers circus.
Siebert arrived at the CGA as part of a cross-country tour of great ape facilities: some are state-of-the-art, like the CGA and the sanctuary called Save the Chimps, others are roadside attractions that should be ancestral relics in their own right, but aren't. As Siebert first toured CGA with its founder Patti Ragan, he met Roger. "The moment Roger saw me," Siebert writes, "he seemed utterly convinced that we already knew each other." Seibert racked his brain to think if he could in fact have met the ape before. Many years ago, he had encountered a few young chimpanzees, but he was certain that the dates and locations were all wrong for any of them to have been Roger.
Siebert becomes mesmerized by Roger -- a damaged, sad ape who is the only one of CGA's residents who cannot bear to cohabit with others of his species. One night, Siebert slips out of his cottage on the CGA grounds and makes his way to Roger's cage. (Depending on your point of view, this act constitutes either an obnoxious nose-thumb at the CGA rules, or an enlightened decision based on apes-first, rules-second thinking.)
In notes taken from 3:24 a.m. to 5:19 a.m. (he is oddly precise about the times), Siebert reflects on Roger's state of mind and on the nature of his relationship with the ape, intercutting these passages with others about the sorry history of people's treatment of primates, elephants, and cephalopods.
What Siebert tries to do is admirable and sometimes successful. He describes the 17th-century anatomist Tulp's "surreal" distorting of the figure of an ape hat he set out to render as he observed, day after day, a chimpanzee who had been shipped from Africa to the private menagerie of a Dutch ruler. "The creature," writes Siebert. "looks more like a potbellied forest nymph dreamily sleeping off a good drunk" than a chimpanzee. In other words, Tulp saw what he wanted to see, not the animal before his eyes. Nowadays, Siebert writes, our fellow apes are made to "pedal around circus rings on multi-seated bikes, and [in commercials] pull down their pants and sit on office copy machines… and all for the same essential reason" that Tulp couldn't fashion an accurate ape image, "an ongoing inability to see animals outside of our own fraught frame of reference. To see them for who and what they really are and just let them be."
When Siebert intends to shock us into recognition of human stupidity, he succeeds. As I turned from page 87 to page 88, I gasped. The image of Mary the elephant is one that will stay with me for a very long time. The photo shows Mary, in 1916 Tennessee, hanging by the neck from a huge industrial crane, her death penalty for killing a caretaker who had prodded her with a metal hook.
The book's central premise is spot on: "The degree to which we humans will finally stop abusing other creatures and, for that matter, one another will ultimately be measured by the degree to which we come to understand how integral a part of us all other creatures actually are."
Too often in writing about Roger, though, Siebert's prose is overwrought. As he considers the "uncharted terrain" he finds himself in with Roger, he describes "a steady shuffling off of my personhood in the direction of the non-me of being." As he spews out non-sentences, his agitation swells: "Another wave of unbridled terror upon which to keep riding away from myself. Before that relentless keeper that is human consciousness could begin to rein me back in. To close, one by one, the doors on all the other creatures I know myself to be, and to once have been, including Roger."
He fantasizes about touching Roger: "I see a hand, as though not my own, beginning to move through the air beyond the red line [meant to keep visitors a safe distance from the apes]. Tapping at the very edges of that tensile web Roger has woven between us, just waiting for him to fully awake to who I am and then take me in, his warm, musky scent melding now with the rusty essence of my own spilled blood, and that inner voice still droning 'Go on… and on… it's a fine way to die'." Later in the book, Siebert returns to the death theme: "[Roger] could kill me so easily that it somehow only heightens my desire to let him."
Maybe sitting and communing with a chimpanzee is a Rorschach test of sorts. Clearly, what Siebert see when he gazes into Roger's eyes is his own lost evolutionary past. This fact is beaten into readers' heads over and over, as when Siebert muses about "back in that not so distant time when he and I were, in fact, one and the same." At one point Siebert even sighs that he's tired of being "only a man."
And we get it too, because he tells us, that Siebert is "uncommonly attuned" to chimpanzees. Isn't that the kind of thing you're supposed to let other people say about you, rather than declare yourself?
Here's the real problem though: How can an insistence upon seeing a chimpanzee as some kind of nonstarter in the human evolutionary lineage fit with seeing apes as they really are? Siebert gives us a human-focused narrative just where he shouldn't -- in a book about the folly of treating animals as our species's playthings.
It's unmistakable that Siebert meant something to Roger. Had he, after all, met Roger as a youngster? The book's ending revisits this question. Siebert also also recounts a phone call he had with Patti Ragan: after he departed the CGA, Roger the chimpanzee changed. He began to relax around and even play with other chimpanzees. Although The Wauchula Woods Accord is only a partial success, the outcome for Roger of that wild and captive night in Florida has been wholly positive.
Barbara J. King teaches Anthropology at the College of William and Mary and can be reached at bjking09@gmail.com
 An exhibition on the life and works of one of the most popular Urdu, Hindi playwrights, a theatre director, poet and actor, Habib Tanvir, was inaugurated by Girish Karnad on Thursday evening. |
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Chimpanzee
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Chimpanzees[1] | ||||||||||||||||||
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 Common Chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) | ||||||||||||||||||
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| Simia troglodytes Blumenbach, 1775 | ||||||||||||||||||
distribution of Pan spp. | ||||||||||||||||||
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Chimpanzee, sometimes colloquially chimp, is the common name for the two extant species of ape in the genus Pan where the Congo River forms the boundary between the native habitat of the two species:[2]
- Common Chimpanzee, Pan troglodytes: the better known chimpanzee lives primarily in West and Central Africa.
- Bonobo, Pan paniscus: also known as the "Pygmy Chimpanzee", this species is found in the forests of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Chimpanzees are members of the Hominidae family, along with gorillas, humans, and orangutans. Chimpanzee are thought to have split from human evolution about 6 million years ago and thus the two chimpanzee species are the closest living relatives to humans, all being members of the Hominini tribe (along with extinct species of Hominina subtribe). Chimpanzees are the only known members of the Panina subtribe. The two Pan species split only about one million years ago.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Evolutionary history
[edit] Evolutionary relationships
The genus Pan is now considered to be part of the subfamily Homininae to which humans also belong. These two species are the closest living evolutionary relatives to humans, sharing a common ancestor with humans six million years ago.[3] Research by Mary-Claire King in 1973 found 99% identical DNA between human beings and chimpanzees,[4] although research since has modified that finding to about 94%[5] commonality, with at least some[weasel words] of the difference occurring in non-coding DNA. It has even been proposed that troglodytes and paniscus belong with sapiens in the genus Homo, rather than in Pan. One argument for this is that other species have been reclassified to belong to the same genus on the basis of less genetic similarity than that between humans and chimpanzees.
[edit] Fossils
Many human fossils have been found, but chimpanzee fossils were not described until 2005. Existing chimpanzee populations in West and Central Africa do not overlap with the major human fossil sites in East Africa. However, chimpanzee fossils have now been reported from Kenya. This would indicate that both humans and members of the Pan clade were present in the East African Rift Valley during the Middle Pleistocene.[6]
[edit] Anatomy and physiology
The male common chimp is up to 1.7 m (up to 5.6 ft) high when standing, and weighs as much as 70 kg (154 lb); the female is somewhat smaller. The common chimp's long arms, when extended, have a span half again as long as the body's height and are longer than its legs. The bonobo is a little shorter and thinner than the common chimpanzee but has longer limbs. Both species use their long, powerful arms for climbing in trees. On the ground, chimpanzees usually walk on all fours using their knuckles for support with their hands clenched, a form of locomotion called knuckle-walking. Chimpanzee feet are better suited for walking than are those of the orangutan because the chimp's soles are broader and the toes shorter. Both the common chimpanzee and bonobo can walk upright on two legs when carrying objects with their hands and arms. The coat is dark; the face, fingers, palms of the hands, and soles of the feet are hairless; and the chimp has no tail. A bony shelf over the eyes gives the forehead a receding appearance, and the nose is flat. Although the jaws protrude, the lips are thrust out only when a chimp pouts. The brain of a chimpanzee is about half the size of the human brain.[7]
Chimpanzees rarely live past the age of 40 in the wild, but have been known to reach the age of more than 60 in captivity. Cheeta, star of Tarzan was widely reported to have been still alive as of 2009 at the age of 76,[8] which would make him the oldest chimp in the world. However, this claim has been questioned by others.[9]
[edit] Behaviors
Anatomical differences between the Common Chimpanzee and the Bonobo are slight, but in sexual and social behaviour there are marked differences. The Common Chimpanzee has an omnivorous diet, a troop hunting culture based on beta males led by an alpha male, and highly complex social relationships.
The Bonobo, on the other hand, has a mostly frugivorous diet and an egalitarian, nonviolent, matriarchal, sexually receptive behaviour.[10] The exposed skin of the face, hands and feet varies from pink to very dark in both species, but is generally lighter in younger individuals, darkening as maturity is reached. The Bonobo has proportionately longer upper limbs and tends to walk upright more often than the Common Chimpanzee. A University of Chicago Medical Centre study has found significant genetic differences between chimpanzee populations.[11] Different groups of chimpanzees also have different cultural behaviour with preferences for types of tools.[12]
The Common Chimpanzee tends to display higher levels of aggression than the Bonobo.[13]
[edit] Intelligence
Chimpanzees make tools and use them to acquire foods and for social displays; they have sophisticated hunting strategies requiring cooperation, influence and rank; they are status conscious, manipulative and capable of deception; they can learn to use symbols and understand aspects of human language including some relational syntax, concepts of number and numerical sequence;[14] and they are capable of spontaneous planning for a future state or event.[15]
[edit] Tool use
One of the most significant discoveries was in October 1960 when Jane Goodall observed the use of tools among chimpanzees. Recent research indicates that chimpanzee stone tool use dates to at least 4300 years ago.[16] A recent study revealed the use of such advanced tools as spears, which Common Chimpanzees in Senegal sharpen with their teeth, being used to spear Senegal Bushbabies out of small holes in trees.[17][18] Before the discovery of tool use in chimps, it was believed that humans were the only species to make and use tools, but several other tool-using species are now known.[19][20]
[edit] Empathy
Recent studies have shown that chimpanzees engage in apparently altruistic behaviour within groups,[21][22] but are indifferent to the welfare of unrelated group members.[23]
Evidence for "chimpanzee spirituality" includes display of mourning, "incipient romantic love", "rain dance", appreciation of natural beauty such as a sunset over a lake, curiosity and respect towards wildlife (such as the python, which is neither a threat nor a food source to chimpanzees), empathy toward other species (such as feeding turtles) and even "animism" or "pretend play" in chimps cradling and grooming rocks or sticks.[24]
[edit] Communication
Chimps communicate in a manner similar to human non-verbal communication, using vocalizations, hand gestures, and facial expressions. Research into the chimpanzee brain has revealed that chimp communication activates an area of the chimp brain that is in the same position as Broca's area, the language center in the human brain.[25]
[edit] Studies of language
Scientists have long been fascinated with the studies of language, believing it to be a unique human cognitive ability. To test this hypothesis, scientists have attempted to teach human language to several species of great apes. One early attempt by Allen and Beatrice Gardner in the 1960s involved spending 51 months teaching American Sign Language to a chimpanzee named Washoe. The Gardners reported that Washoe learned 151 signs, and that he had spontaneously taught them to other chimpanzees.[26] Over a longer period of time, Washoe learned over 800 signs.[27]
There is ongoing debate among some scientists, notably Noam Chomsky and David Premack, about non-human great apes' ability to learn language. Since the early reports on Washoe, numerous other studies have been conducted with varying levels of success[28], including one involving a chimpanzee named, in parody, Nim Chimpsky trained by Herbert Terrace of Columbia University. Although his initial reports were quite positive, in November 1979, Terrace and his team re-evaluated the videotapes of Nim with his trainers, analyzing them frame by frame for signs as well as for exact context (what was happening both before and after Nim's signs). In the re-analysis, Terrace concluded that Nim's utterances could be explained merely as prompting on the part of the experimenters, as well as mistakes in reporting the data. "Much of the apes' behavior is pure drill," he said. "Language still stands as an important definition of the human species." In this reversal, Terrace now argued that Nim's use of ASL was not like human language acquisition. Nim never initiated conversations himself, rarely introduced new words, and simply imitated what the humans did. Nim's sentences also did not grow in length, unlike human children whose vocabulary and sentence length show a strong positive correlation. [29]
[edit] Memory
A 30-year study at Kyoto University's Primate Research Institute has shown that chimps are able to learn to recognize the numbers 1-9 and their values. The chimps further show an aptitude for photographic memory, demonstrated in experiments in which the jumbled digits 1-9 are flashed onto a computer screen for less than a quarter of a second, after which the chimp, Ayumu, is able to correctly and quickly point to the positions where they appeared in ascending order. The same experiment was failed by world memory champion Ben Pridmore on most attempts. [30]
[edit] Laughter in apes
Laughter might not be confined or unique to humans. The differences between chimpanzee and human laughter may be the result of adaptations that have evolved to enable human speech. Self-awareness of one's situation as seen in the mirror test, or the ability to identify with another's predicament (see mirror neurons), are prerequisites for laughter, so animals may be laughing in the same way that humans do.
Chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans show laughterlike vocalizations in response to physical contact, such as wrestling, play chasing, or tickling. This is documented in wild and captive chimpanzees. Common Chimpanzee laughter is not readily recognizable to humans as such, because it is generated by alternating inhalations and exhalations that sound more like breathing and panting. There are instances in which non-human primates have been reported to have expressed joy. One study analysed and recorded sounds made by human babies and Bonobos when tickled. It found, that although the Bonobo's laugh was a higher frequency, the laugh followed a pattern similar to that of human babies and included similar facial expressions. Humans and chimpanzees share similar ticklish areas of the body, such as the armpits and belly. The enjoyment of tickling in chimpanzees does not diminish with age.[31]
See also: Laughter in animals[edit] Aggression
Chimps are highly territorial and are known to kill other chimps.[32] Chimpanzees also engage in targeted hunting of lower order primates such as the red colobus[33] and bush babies,[34][35] and use the meat from these kills as a "social tool" within their community.[36] In February 2009, after a relatively rare incident in which a pet chimp named Travis attacked a woman in Stamford, Connecticut, the U.S. House of Representatives approved a primate pet ban in the United States.[37]
[edit] Interactions with humans
[edit] History
Africans have had contact with chimpanzees for millennia. Chimpanzees have been kept as pets for centuries in a few African villages, especially in Congo. The first recorded contact of Europeans with chimps took place in present-day Angola during the 1600s. The diary of Portuguese explorer Duarte Pacheco Pereira (1506), preserved in the Portuguese National Archive (Torre do Tombo), is probably the first European document to acknowledge that chimpanzees built their own rudimentary tools.
The first use of the name "chimpanzee", however, did not occur until 1738. The name is derived from a Tshiluba language term "kivili-chimpenze", which is the local name for the animal and translates loosely as "mockman" or possibly just "ape". The colloquialism "chimp" was most likely coined some time in the late 1870s.[38] Biologists applied Pan as the genus name of the animal. Chimps as well as other apes had also been purported to have been known to Western writers in ancient times, but mainly as myths and legends on the edge of Euro-Arabic societal consciousness, mainly through fragmented and sketchy accounts of European adventurers. Apes are mentioned variously by Aristotle, as well as the Bible, where apes and baboons are described as having been collected by Solomon in 1 Kings 10:22.
When chimpanzees were first brought to the European continent, European scientists noted the inaccuracy of some ancient descriptions, which often reported that chimpanzees had horns and hooves.[citation needed] The first of these early transcontinental chimpanzees came from Angola and were presented as a gift to Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange in 1640, and were followed by a few of its brethren over the next several years. Scientists who examined these rare specimens were baffled,[citation needed] and described these first chimpanzees as "pygmies", and noted the animals' distinct similarities to humans. The next two decades would see a number of the creatures imported into Europe, mainly acquired by various zoological gardens as entertainment for visitors.
Darwin's theory of natural selection (published in 1859) spurred scientific interest in chimpanzees, as in much of life science, leading eventually to numerous studies of the animals in the wild and captivity. The observers of chimpanzees at the time were mainly interested in behaviour as it related to that of humans. This was less strictly and disinterestedly scientific than it might sound, with much attention being focused on whether or not the animals had traits that could be considered 'good'; the intelligence of chimpanzees was often significantly exaggerated, as immortalized in Hugo Rheinhold's Affe mit Schädel (see image, left), where an apparently learned chimpanzee contemplates a human skull.[citation needed] At one point there was even a scheme drawn up to domesticate chimpanzees in order to have them perform various menial tasks. (i.e. factory work)[citation needed] By the end of the 1800s chimpanzees remained very much a mystery to humans, with very little factual scientific information available.
The 20th century saw a new age of scientific research into chimpanzee behaviour. Before 1960, almost nothing was known about chimpanzee behaviour in their natural habitat. In July of that year, Jane Goodall set out to Tanzania's Gombe forest to live among the chimpanzees, where she primarily studied the members of the Kasakela chimpanzee community. Her discovery that chimpanzees made and used tools was groundbreaking, as humans were previously believed to be the only species to do so. The most progressive early studies on chimpanzees were spearheaded primarily by Wolfgang Köhler and Robert Yerkes, both of whom were renowned psychologists. Both men and their colleagues established laboratory studies of chimpanzees focused specifically on learning about the intellectual abilities of chimpanzees, particularly problem-solving. This typically involved basic, practical tests on laboratory chimpanzees, which required a fairly high intellectual capacity (such as how to solve the problem of acquiring an out-of-reach banana). Notably, Yerkes also made extensive observations of chimpanzees in the wild which added tremendously to the scientific understanding of chimpanzees and their behaviour. Yerkes studied chimpanzees until World War II, while Köhler concluded five years of study and published his famous Mentality of Apes in 1925 (which is coincidentally when Yerkes began his analyses), eventually concluding that "chimpanzees manifest intelligent behaviour of the general kind familiar in human beings ... a type of behaviour which counts as specifically human" (1925).[39]
The August, 2008, issue of the American Journal of Primatology reports results of a year-long study of chimpanzees in Tanzania's Mahale Mountains National Park which produced evidence that chimpanzees are becoming sick from viral infectious diseases they have likely contracted from humans. Molecular, microscopic and epidemiological investigations demonstrated that the chimpanzees living at Mahale Mountains National Park have been suffering from a respiratory disease that is likely caused by a variant of a human paramyxovirus.[40]
[edit] Studies
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As of November 2007, there were 1,300 chimpanzees housed in 10 U.S. laboratories (out of 3,000 great apes living in captivity there), either wild-caught, or acquired from circuses, animal trainers, or zoos.[41] Most of the labs either conduct or make the chimps available for invasive research,[42] defined as "inoculation with an infectious agent, surgery or biopsy conducted for the sake of research and not for the sake of the chimpanzee, and/or drug testing".[43] Two federally funded laboratories use chimps: Yerkes National Primate Research Laboratory at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, and the Southwest National Primate Center in San Antonio, Texas.[44] Five hundred chimps have been retired from laboratory use in the U.S. and live in sanctuaries in the U.S. or Canada.[42]
Chimpanzees used in biomedical research tend to be used repeatedly over decades, rather than used and killed as with most laboratory animals. Some individual chimps currently in U.S. laboratories have been used in experiments for over 40 years.[45] According to Project R&R, a campaign to release chimps held in U.S. labs — run by the New England Anti-Vivisection Society in conjunction with Jane Goodall and other primate researchers — the oldest known chimp in a U.S. lab is Wenka, who was born in a laboratory in Florida on May 21, 1954.[46] She was removed from her mother on the day of birth to be used in a vision experiment that lasted 17 months, then sold as a pet to a family in North Carolina. She was returned to the Yerkes National Primate Research Center in 1957 when she became too big to handle. Since then, she has given birth six times, and has been used in research into alcohol use, oral contraceptives, ageing, and cognitive studies.[47]
With the publication of the chimpanzee genome, there are reportedly plans to increase the use of chimps in labs, with some scientists arguing that the federal moratorium on breeding chimps for research should be lifted.[44][48] A five-year moratorium was imposed by the U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH) in 1996, because too many chimps had been bred for HIV research, and it has been extended annually since 2001.[44]
Other researchers argue that chimps are unique animals and either should not be used in research, or should be treated differently. Pascal Gagneux, an evolutionary biologist and primate expert at the University of California, San Diego, argues that, given chimpanzees' sense of self, tool use, and genetic similarity to human beings, studies using chimps should follow the ethical guidelines that are used for human subjects unable to give consent.[44] Stuart Zola, director of the Yerkes National Primate Research Laboratory, disagrees. He told National Geographic: "I don't think we should make a distinction between our obligation to treat humanely any species, whether it's a rat or a monkey or a chimpanzee. No matter how much we may wish it, chimps are not human."[44]
An increasing number of governments are enacting a Great Ape research ban forbidding the use of chimpanzees and other great apes in research or toxicology testing.[49] As of 2006, Austria, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK had introduced such bans.[50]
[edit] Attacks on humans
Common Chimpanzees have been known to attack humans on occasion.[51][52] There have been many attacks in Uganda by chimpanzees against human children; the results are sometimes fatal for the children. Some of these attacks are presumed to be due to chimpanzees being intoxicated (from alcohol obtained from rural brewing operations) and mistaking human children[53] for the Western Red Colobus, one of their favourite meals.[54] The dangers of careless human interactions with chimpanzees are only aggravated by the fact that many chimpanzees perceive humans as potential rivals.[55] With up to five times the upper body strength of a human, an angered chimpanzee could easily overpower and potentially kill a fully grown man, as shown by the attack and near death of former NASCAR driver St. James Davis.[56][57] Another example of chimpanzee to human aggression occurred February 2009 in Stamford, Connecticut, when a 200 pound, 14 year old pet chimp named Travis attacked his owner's friend, who lost her hands, eyelids, nose and part of her upper jaw/sinus area from the attack.[58][59] There are four documented cases of chimpanzees snatching and eating human babies.[60]
[edit] In popular culture
Despite their close relationship to humans, chimpanzees have been consistently treated as inconsequential in popular culture, where they are most often cast in stereotypical, limited roles[61] as childlike companions, sidekicks or clowns.[62] They are especially suited for the latter role on account of their prominent facial features, long limbs and fast movements, which humans find inherently amusing.[62] Accordingly, entertainment acts featuring chimpanzees dressed up as humans have been traditional staples of circuses and stage shows.[62]
In the age of television, a new genre of chimp act emerged in the United States: series whose cast consisted entirely of chimpanzees dressed as humans and "speaking" lines dubbed by human actors.[61] These shows, examples of which include Lancelot Link, Secret Chimp in the 1970s or The Chimp Channel in the 1990s, relied on the novelty of their ape cast to make their timeworn, low comedy gags funny.[61] Their chimpanzee "actors" were as interchangeable as the apes in a circus act, being amusing as chimpanzees and not as individuals.[61]
When chimpanzees appear in other TV shows, they generally do so as comic relief sidekicks to humans. In that role, for instance, J. Fred Muggs appeared with Today Show host Dave Garroway in the 1950s, "Judy" on Daktari in the 1960s or "Darwin" on The Wild Thornberrys in the 1990s.[61] Chimpanzee characters and actions are almost never relevant to the plot, in contrast to the fictional depictions of other animals, such as dogs (as in Lassie), dolphins (Flipper), horses (The Black Stallion) or even other great apes (King Kong).[61]
The rare exceptions – depictions of chimpanzees as individuals rather than stock characters, and as central rather than incidental to the plot[61] – are usually found in science fiction. Robert A. Heinlein's short story Jerry Was a Man of 1947 centers on a genetically enhanced chimpanzee suing for better treatment,[61] a theme also echoed in David Brin's 1990s Uplift series. In film, the 1972 movie Conquest of the Planet of the Apes centers on a fierce revolt of enslaved apes, led by the chimpanzee Caesar, against their human masters.[61] In one episode of Monk, a chimp was in danger of being euthanized after it was thought to have killed its owner.
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ Groves, C. (2005). Wilson, D. E., & Reeder, D. M.. ed. Mammal Species of the World (3rd ed.). Johns Hopkins University Press. pp. 182-183. ISBN 0-801-88221-4. http://www.bucknell.edu/msw3.
- ^ "ADW:Pan troglodytes:information". Animal Diversity Web (University of Michigan Museum of Zoology). http://animaldiversity.ummz.umich.edu/site/accounts/information/Pan_troglodytes.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-11.
- ^ "Chimps and Humans Very Similar at the DNA Level". News.mongabay.com. http://news.mongabay.com/2005/0831a-nih.html. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ Mary-Claire King, Protein polymorphisms in chimpanzee and human evolution, Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley (1973).
- ^ "Humans and Chimps: Close But Not That Close". Scientific American. 2006-12-19. http://www.sciam.com/article.cfm?chanID=sa003&articleID=9D0DAC2B-E7F2-99DF-3AA795436FEF8039. Retrieved on 2006-12-20.
- ^ McBrearty, S.; N. G. Jablonski (2005-09-01). "First fossil chimpanzee". Nature 437: 105–108. doi:. Entrez Pubmed 16136135.
- ^ "Chimpanzee," Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2008 http://encarta.msn.com © 1997–2008 Microsoft Corporation. All Rights Reserved.
- ^ Moehringer, J.R. (2007-04-22). "Cheeta speaks". Los Angeles Times. http://www.latimes.com/features/printedition/magazine/la-tm-cheeta16apr22,0,3519768.story?page=1&coll=la-home-magazine. Retrieved on 2007-04-22.
- ^ Rosen, R.D. (2008-12-07). "Lie of the Jungle". Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/11/25/AR2008112500939_pf.html. Retrieved on 2008-12-14.
- ^ Courtney Laird. "Bonobo social spacing". Davidson College. http://www.bio.davidson.edu/people/vecase/Behavior/Spring2004/laird/Social%20Organization.htm. Retrieved on 2008-03-10.
- ^ "Gene study shows three distinct groups of chimpanzees". EurekAlert. 2007-04-20. http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2007-04/uocm-gss042007.php. Retrieved on 2007-04-23.
- ^ "Chimp Behavior". Jane Goodall Institute. http://www.janegoodall.com/chimp_central/chimpanzees/behavior/default.asp. Retrieved on 2007-08-11.
- ^ de Waal, F (2006). "Apes in the family". Our Inner Ape. New York: Riverhead Books. ISBN 1594481962.
- ^ "Chimpanzee intelligence". Indiana University. 2000-02-23. http://www.indiana.edu/~origins/teach/A105/lectures/A105L12.html. Retrieved on 2008-03-24.
- ^ Osvath, Mathias (2009-03-10). "Spontaneous planning for future stone throwing by a male chimpanzee". Current Biology (Elsevier) 19 (5): R190–R191.
- ^ Julio Mercader, Huw Barton, Jason Gillespie, Jack Harris, Steven Kuhn, Robert Tyler, Christophe Boesch (2007). "4300-year-old Chimpanzee Sites and the Origins of Percussive Stone Technology". PNAS Feb.
- ^ Fox, M. (2007-02-22). "Hunting chimps may change view of human evolution". http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20070222/sc_nm/chimps_hunting_dc. Retrieved on 2007-02-22.
- ^ "ISU anthropologist's study is first to report chimps hunting with tools". Iowa State University News Service. 2007-02-22. http://www.iastate.edu/~nscentral/news/2007/feb/chimpstools.shtml. Retrieved on 2007-08-11.
- ^ Whipps, Heather (2007-02-12). "Chimps Learned Tool Use Long Ago Without Human Help". LiveScience. http://www.livescience.com/animals/070212_chimp_tools.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-11.
- ^ "Tool Use". Jane Goodall Institute. http://janegoodall.net/chimp_central/chimpanzees/gombe/tool.asp. Retrieved on 2007-08-11.
- ^ "Human-like Altruism Shown In Chimpanzees". Science Daily. 2007-06-25. http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2007/06/070625085134.htm. Retrieved on 2007-08-11.
- ^ Bradley, Brenda (June 1999). "Levels of Selection, Altruism, and Primate Behavior". The Quarterly Review of Biology 74 (2): 171–194. doi:.
- ^ Appendices for chimpanzee spirituality by James Harrod
- ^ "Communication". Evolve. 2008-09-14. No. 7, season 1.
- ^ Gardner, R. A., Gardner, B. T. (1969). "Teaching Sign Language to a Chimpanzee". Science 165: 664–672. doi:. PMID 5793972.
- ^ Allen, G. R., Gardner, B. T. (1980). "Comparative psychology and language acquisition". in Thomas A. Sebok and Jean-Umiker-Sebok (eds.). Speaking of Apes: A Critical Anthology of Two-Way Communication with Man. New York: Plenum Press. pp. 287–329.
- ^ http://www.greatapetrust.org/bonobo/language/
- ^ http://www.skeptic.com/eskeptic/07-10-31
- ^ The study was presented in a five documentary called "The Memory Chimp", part of the channel's Extraordinary Animals series.
- ^ Steven Johnson (2003-01-01). "Emotions and the Brain" ([dead link] – Scholar search). Discover Magazine. http://www.discover.com/issues/apr-03/features/featlaugh/. Retrieved on 2007-12-10.
- ^ Walsh, Bryan (2009-02-18). "Why the Stamford Chimp Attacked". TIME. http://www.time.com/time/health/article/0,8599,1880229,00.html. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ "Primates Volume 49, Number 1 / January, 2008 p41-49". Springerlink.com. doi:. http://www.springerlink.com/content/f78767667u462588/. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ "Science 23 February 2007: Vol. 315. no. 5815, p. 1063". Sciencemag.org. 2007-02-23. http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/315/5815/1063. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ "Current Biology Volume 17, Issue 5, 6 March 2007, Pages 412-417". Sciencedirect.com. doi:. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6VRT-4N3XDTT-1&_user=10&_rdoc=1&_fmt=&_orig=search&_sort=d&view=c&_acct=C000050221&_version=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=10&md5=3e71833d8e3c5f228535010f7b7d72d7. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ Urban, Peter, STAFF WRITER, The Advocate. 2009. House approves primate pet ban. http://www.stamfordadvocate.com/ci_11778339
- ^ "chimp definition | Dictionary.com". Dictionary.reference.com. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/chimp. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ Goodall, Jane (1986). The Chimpanzees of Gombe: Patterns of Behavior. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-11649-6.
- ^ Newswise: Researchers Find Human Virus in Chimpanzees Retrieved on June 5, 2008.
- ^ "End chimpanzee research: overview". Project R&R, New England Anti-Vivisection Society. 2005-12-11. http://www.releasechimps.org/mission/end-chimpanzee-research. Retrieved on 2008-03-24.
- ^ a b "Chimpanzee lab and sanctuary map". The Humane Society of the United States. http://www.hsus.org/animals_in_research/chimps_deserve_better/research/chimpanzee-lab-and-sanctuary-map.html. Retrieved on 2008-03-24.
- ^ "Chimpanzee Research: Overview of Research Uses and Costs". Humane Society of the United States. http://www.hsus.org/animals_in_research/chimps_deserve_better/research/overview_of_research_uses_and.html. Retrieved on 2008-03-24.
- ^ a b c d e Lovgren, Stefan. Should Labs Treat Chimps More Like Humans?, National Geographic News, September 6, 2005.
- ^ Chimps Deserve Better, Humane Society of the United States.
- ^ —A former Yerkes lab worker. "Release & Restitution for Chimpanzees in U.S. Laboratories » Wenka". Releasechimps.org. http://www.releasechimps.org/chimpanzees/their-stories/wenka/. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ Wenka, Project R&R, New England Anti-Vivisection Society.
- ^ Langley, Gill. Next of Kin: A Report on the Use of Primates in Experiments, British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection, p. 15, citing VandeBerg, JL et al. "A unique biomedical resource at risk", Nature 437:30-32.
- ^ Guldberg, Helen. The great ape debate, Spiked online, March 29, 2001. Retrieved August 12, 2007.
- ^ Langley, Gill. Next of Kin: A Report on the Use of Primates in Experiments, British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection, p. 12.
- ^ Claire Osborn. "Texas man saves friend during fatal chimp attack". The Pulse Journal. http://www.pulsejournal.com/featr/content/shared/news/stories/CHIMP_ATTACK_0427_COX.html. Retrieved on 2006-06-27.
- ^ "Chimp attack kills cabbie and injures tourists". The Guardian. 2006-04-25. http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,,1760554,00.html. Retrieved on 2006-06-27.
- ^ "'Drunk and Disorderly' Chimps Attacking Ugandan Children". 2004-02-09. http://www.primates.com/chimps/drunk-n-disorderly.html. Retrieved on 2006-06-27.
- ^ Tara Waterman (1999). "Ebola Cote D'Ivoire Outbreaks". Stanford University. http://virus.stanford.edu/filo/eboci.html. Retrieved on 2008-03-24.
- ^ "Chimp attack doesn't surprise experts". MSNBC. 2005-03-05. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/7087194/. Retrieved on 2006-06-27.
- ^ "Birthday party turns bloody when chimps attack". USATODAY. 2005-03-04. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2005-03-04-chimp-attack_x.htm. Retrieved on 2006-06-27.
- ^ Amy Argetsinger (2005-05-24). "The Animal Within". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/05/23/AR2005052301819.html. Retrieved on 2006-06-27.
- ^ "911 tape captures chimpanzee owner's horror as 200-pound ape mauls friend". Nydailynews.com. 2009-02-18. http://www.nydailynews.com/news/2009/02/17/2009-02-17_911_tape_captures_chimpanzee_owners_horr-2.html/. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ By Stephanie Gallman CNN. "Chimp attack 911 call: 'He's ripping her apart' - CNN.com". Edition.cnn.com. http://edition.cnn.com/2009/US/02/17/chimpanzee.attack/. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ "Online Extra: Frodo @ National Geographic Magazine". Ngm.nationalgeographic.com. 2002-05-15. http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0304/feature4/online_extra2.html. Retrieved on 2009-06-06.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Van Riper, A. Bowdoin (2002). Science in popular culture: a reference guide. Westport: Greenwood Press. p. 19. ISBN 0–313–31822–0.
- ^ a b c Van Riper, op.cit., p. 18.
- Pickrell, John. (September 24, 2002). "Humans, Chimps Not as Closely Related as Thought?". National Geographic.
[edit] External links
| Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Pan |
| Wikispecies has information related to: Chimpanzee |
- Envirovet - Video clip of Ngamba Island Chimpanzee Sanctuary
- The First 100 Chimps in Research in the USA
- Chimpanzee: Wildlife summary from the African Wildlife Foundation
- Chimpanzees Make/Use Spears
- Chimpanzee Cultures Online
- Kanyawara Chimpanzee Blog from Uganda (Harvard Biological Anthropology research)
- Chimp Haven (The National Chimpanzee Sanctuary)
- Chimps as Pets (SaveTheChimps.org)
- Using Pac-Man to test cognitive reasoning in chimps
- Talking With Chimps
- Jane Goodall's Chimpanzee Central
- New Scientist 19 May 2003 - Chimps are human, gene study implies
- Did chimp and human ancestors interbreed?
- Chimp "Stone Age" Finds Are Earliest Nonhuman Ape Tools, Study Says
- Chimpanzee Facial Expression & Vocalizations
- A chimpanzee laughter sample. Goodall 1968 & Parr 2005
- Fox News: Study: Chimps Are More Evolved Than Humans
- Chimpanzees in Research: Past, Present, and Future from The State of the Animals III: 2005
- The Predatory Behavior and Ecology of Wild Chimpanzees
- You can give 140 orphaned chimpanzees a safe haven
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'If Mayawati wins 40 seats, the politics of the country will turn turtle'
Jyoti Malhotra met him in his home on Alipore Park Road, in his study lined with books by Marx and Engels that have kept him company in the good days and the bad days. In the good days, he was in the forefront of the movement, the toast of town and Calcutta was a Left paradise which, as he wrote in Seminar in 2006, 'taught the (city) the language of protest.'
Today's Kolkata [ Images ] has changed beyond recognition, and in the run up to the May 13 poll is suffused with an anti-CPI-M mood that could carry Mamata Bannerjee's [ Images ] Trinamool Congress [ Images ] to an unprecedented crest.
Mitra's A Prattler's Tale: Bengal, Marxism and Governance, published in 2007 but accumulated over the previous decades, came out around the time CPI-M [ Images ] cadres in police clothing fired upon the peasantry protesting land acquisition in Nandigram [ Images ]. This and the Singur incidents changed Mitra's relationship with his comrades.
'Till death I would remain guilty to my conscience if I keep mum about the happenings of the last two weeks in West Bengal [ Images ] over Nandigram. One gets torn by pain too. Those against whom I am speaking have been my comrades at some time. The party whose leadership they are adorning has been the centre of my dreams and works for last 60 years,' Mitra wrote soon after the Nandigram firing.
As an old party ideologue and a key member of Jyoti Basu's government, what is your view about things unfolding in West Bengal these days?
I am getting old, I hardly leave my apartment anymore, but I am burning up inside. That is because I continue to nurse my old ideology, that is the problem.
But why?
Those in charge now are philosophers of the short-term… They put all their eggs in the Tatas basket (in Singur, where the Tatas wanted to construct the Nano [ Images ] car factory) and Tata walked all over them. That's what burns me up inside. That not one responsible leader dared to express one word of discontent with what Tata was doing, the fact that he was leaving the government in the lurch.
They don't have the capability and the guts to develop a public sector. Delhi [ Images ] was hostage to them for more than four years, they could have forced the government to allocate Rs 40-50,000 crores (Rs 400 billion to Rs 500 billion) to them. They call themselves Communists and socialists and yet they don't have the courage to try and develop a flourishing public sector in the state (of West Bengal).
But maybe they didn't have the money to develop the public sector, which is why they thought of outsourcing to private enterprise?
That is what they say, that they didn't have the money, so they had to depend on the private sector. I am not willing to accept that. They had more than 60 MPs in the last Parliament, they could have pressed the government to give them money.
Secondly, on this sensitive issue of industrialisation, you don't have to acquire fertile, multi-crop land on which two or three crops are grown every year. There are acres and acres of land lying near Dum Dum (the airport in Kolkata), where factories have closed down recently...
If you say yourself that nearly 30,000 factories have closed down in the state over the last few years, then why could you not use that land? They speak of legal problems behind not being able to use that land, but there seemed to be no initiative.
Did the CPI-M fail in putting out its message?
Even if you take over multi-crop land, there are ways and ways to do so. The CPI-M swept the assembly polls in 2006. I wrote a very complimentary piece in the Economic & Political Weekly at the time praising the CPI-M to the high heavens, but at the end of the piece I added a note of warning. I pointed out that we had lost Howrah, 24 Parganas and Hooghly districts because there was talk of land acquisition in these areas and that we must proceed carefully.
Didn't the party take notice?
Problem is, they don't discuss these things. They have very strong kisan sabhas in Singur, but they didn't talk to them, they only talked to each other in Writers' Buildings (where the office of Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya [ Images ] is located).
So what do you think happened? Why did this happen?
The problem is with this doctrine of democratic centralism, it gets debased. Given the feudal roots of our society, all the advice is rendered from top to bottom, never from bottom to top. Even when advice is given from bottom to top it is ignored. The whole thing was mishandled.
Why did things happen as they did at Nandigram?
The grossest blunder was in Nandigram. The party knew there would be resistance, but they issued a circular to take over the land. There were no prior instructions to the police force. A Communist party rests on the support of the peasantry. Mamata blocked the highway...
The government, originally haughty and unthinking, became totally passive and incompetent.
You think the party machinery failed?
The party machinery consists of the rank and file. The panchayat polls (in which the Left Front lost 15 out of 16 panchayats in May 2008, that took place a year after the firing in Nandigram), showed a shift of the mass base by at least 7 per cent.
The Lok Sabha results will depend on the extent the party is able to win this support back. If they fail, the CPI-M will lose about 12 seats, if they are successful, they will lose only 6, 7 seats.
What about the party at the centre?
They are highly intelligent people, very smart, but the problem is that many of them don't have a political base. They have come through the student movement, through Jawaharlal Nehru University and other places. They have to depend on the party structure and beyond a point, cannot render substantial advice to the party. That is how the state units control the centre.
Why were there so many differences between the state and central party units on the India-US nuclear deal?
The state units are very insular, they are not interested in foreign policy, only in their own problems. You hardly hear the revolutionary cry anymore, Inquilab Zindabad! The spirit of internationalism is over.
How do you look at China and India's relationship with it?
China is no longer a Communist country. You can consider it a rival or friend, and depending upon the exigencies of the market, invite the Americans or the Chinese into India.
But maybe the CPI-M, like everyone else, is moving with the times...
You may have to redo your books, but it doesn't mean that you have to ditch your old beliefs. That is the dilemma before the party today.
What do you think of CPI-M General Secretary Prakash Karat [ Images ]?
I am full of admiration for him. But he should have forced the party not to commit such a blunder on the matter of land acquisition (in Nandigram and Singur). And when the party did what it did, it should have sought forgiveness from the people.
Do you think they did well by supporting the United Progressive Alliance [ Images ] in the last four years?
The CPI-M should have arrived at a much harder bargain, they could have got much more out of the Congress-led government. The original blunder was committed in 2004. If they fare badly in the Lok Sabha polls today, then this lady Mamata Banerjee [ Images ] will be permanently occupying the streets and the highways. There will be chaos.
I don't think the state government will last.
But what will that mean for the party?
It will be a cleansing of the party. But through this period of tribulation, the party will emerge with greater strength.
You think the party needs to undergo 'self-criticism'...
There are many Communist leaders who say, he's a 'goonda', but he is my 'goonda'. That is wrong. They should never be allowed to come to the forefront.
Today there are more than 270,000 party members in the CPI-M, of which 90 per cent are post-1977 members and 65 per cent post-1991 members. Most of these people have only seen the good days.
If the party loses power, they will also disappear...
The party has ceased to be a revolutionary party, it has become a bourgeois party.
Do you think it is the end of Operation Barga (when the CPI-M-led Left Front, from 1978 to 1984, gave tenancy rights on more than a million hectares to more than a million sharecroppers)?
We gave land to the bargadars (sharecroppers), but now these divided and sub-divided small pieces of land are no longer economically viable. So what is the next step? You have to encourage the peasantry to imbibe the art and science of cooperatives. Start with service cooperatives and then you can move to the cooperative tilling of land. There should have been serious experiments in this regard.
The CPI-M has been instrumental in the creation of the Third Front. Do you think it will survive?
It all depends if people like Mayawati [ Images ] and Chandrababu Naidu [ Images ] stay on... These days, I am gradually returning to my old thesis that there is no such thing as India.
If Mayawati wins 40 seats, the politics of the country will turn turtle.
Today's national picture, where the power rests with the states and not with the Centre, is like the picture of India before the British took power in India.
So what happens by the end of the week in India today?
I don't know about that. I vote for the CPI-M. That is because I believe in the party. It is a wonderful party, but it has been pushed on the wrong rails in West Bengal.
http://election.rediff.com/interview/2009/may/14/loksabhapoll-interview-with-ashok-mitra.htm
| Editorial |
Who is ruling; India? And how?World's only unique system of oppression is making the slaves enjoy their slaveryDuring our transition from marxism to Ambedkarism in the 1980s we had written three important books — Class-Caste Struggle: Emerging Third Force (1980), Who is Ruling India? (1982) and The Dilemma of Class & Caste in India (1984). In the last one we had reproduced the whole text of manuwadi marxist leader E.M.S. Namboodiripad's scurrilous attack on us. Since then we had completely abandoned the Indian version of manuwadi marxism which the ruling Brahminical Social Order (BSO) used to convert itself into the country's ruling class. Brahminism, the super fine ideology of the Indian ruling class (15%), has no permanent party but only permanent interests. The latest evidence is the way the BSO kicked out its own Brahmana Jati Party (BJP) and brought the country's more cunning original Brahminical party of Congress to power in the recent parliament election (DV Edit June 1, 2009: "Mere 2% anti-Advani upper caste vote swing from BJP brought about spectacular Cong. victory"). Fear of identifying the ruling class: In this leader we are further clarifying our thoughts on the Indian ruling class and how we arrived at the conclusion that the Brahmins (3%) indeed are the rulers with the Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and the shudra landed castes in tow. Our almost 30 years of experience as the Editor of Dalit Voice has reinforced our thoughts and led us to this conclusion. Ashok Rudra, called a marxist economist of the Vishwa Bharati University, Shantiniketan, in his booklet, Intelligentsia as a Ruling Class, more or less says the same thing — of course without identifying the ruling class. Nobody has the courage to identify the ruling class for fear of facing threat to their very survival. Brahmins very often question us how such a micro-minority population can be the rulers and point out the fact that the political class, often mistaken to be the country's real ruling class, has hardly any Brahmin. This is true. The Prime Minister or most of the state chief ministers are not Brahmins. Political power is no power: But political power is no power in India. Politicians are a puppet in the hands of the ruling class. The best example to prove this point is the mere 3% American Jews who do not hold any political power in USA. But it is the Jews as the king-makers who hold the real power in the US with the entire financial sector and media power in their pocket. This is also true in England, France and Germany, all Christian countries, which live under the mercy of Jews. The Khatri Sikh Manmohan Singh may be today's Prime Minister but being a World Bank nominee he automatically becomes the darling of the Brahminical rulers. In fact he is a better Brahmin than the best. The ruling class need not necessarily hold the political power but it still rules with its power to manipulate the "public opinion" which is the case in India. In the case of US and Europe, the Jews hold the reins mainly because of their financial and media power. The European ruling Christians had a long- lasting religious war with the Jews throughout history, but lately they simply surrendered to Jews. Even the Pope dare not go against the Jews. President Barack Obama is challenged by the entire Jewish diaspora, led by the Zionist Israel. Look how Iran was made to tremble just because it elected Ahmedinejad as the President, hated by the entire zionists. Such is the power of the micro-minority Jews. Unparalleled example of India: But in India the ruling Brahminical micro-minority of 3% enjoys such a powerful sway over the country, even to the extent of a total mind control over the entire masses of people because of its legendary religious power since thousands of years. Brahminism is an ideology, considered religious and sacred, that declares that the Brahmins are the highest people by birth and birthright, Bhoodevatas (gods on earth), that the Vedas are the source of authority, and that the rites and rituals that make up the Varnashrama Dharma are sacred and must be followed. In Christian US and Europe, the Jews do not have such a religious control on the country and its peoples but in India Brahminical people being the custodians of their artificially manufactured Hindu religion, enjoy the highest ritual status, becoming the virtual Bhoodevatas, gods on earth — a status which no section of the population enjoys in any part of the world except India. Shudras & BCs as oppressors: That is how the Brahminical people constitute the Intelligentsia because they control not only the country's principal religion (Hindu) but also all its gods, scriptures — and finally the very value system. Dr. Ambedkar has said all these things long, long back and hence there is no point in repeating the argument that the Brahminical people constitute the ruling class of India. A powerful section within the Dalit community, however, has been arguing that it is not the Brahmins who are kicking, killing, burning, raping and destroying the little property of the Dalits in the rural side but the landed shudra and Backward Castes. They cite the example of the Khairlanji massacre of Dalits in Maharashtra and ever so many places. There is good lot of truth in this argument. Brahminical journalists have invested a lot in making the Dalits believe this argument. It is a fact that all over India it is the shudra, the BC or OBCs who are culprits in anti-Dalit pogrom. We know it. But what is important is not the action of looting and killing the Dalits. But the thought, the inspiration behind the action. Caste hatred is the real villain: As the mosquito bites you, one hand instantly acts to slap the mosquito and kills it or drive it away. Who gave the order to the hand to attack the mosquito? It is the brain. The order to attack the mosquito came from the brain. Therefore, the brain that orders the attack is more important than the hand which simply obeyed the order. Some urchins throw a stone at a running dog. But even such a brainless animal does not chase the stone or growl at the stone. It gets angry and chases the fellow who threw the stone. Even the dog has that much of brain to identify the culprit. Here the culprit is not the stone but the boy who threw the stone. Who gave the poisonous thought to the shudras and OBCs to kick or kill the Dalit? The Bhoodevata philosophy. In all anti-Dalit atrocities the crime is committed by the shudra or BCs. There is no dispute on this. But the culprit behind the curtain is the Brahminical thought of caste hatred daily injected into the veins of the shudras and BCs who consider themselves superior. Culprits behind anti-Muslim riots: This is also true in the case of all anti-Muslim riots. In the Babri Masjid demolition, the Dalits played a major role. In the Gujarat Genocide (2002), Dalits led the anti-Muslim violence. We know it. But it is the Brahminical thought that made the innocent Dalits to attack and kill Muslims against whom Dalits have no grouse as both are blood brothers. Marathas hate Brahmins: In Maharashtra, the Marathas (Shiv Dharma) are furious with Brahmins and have launched a powerful campaign against Brahmins. But in Khairlanji the same Marathas and their cousins Kunbis and other OBCs killed the Dalits. The Marathas and Kunbis hate Brahmins for riding them and yet they also hate the Dalits who are the worst victims of Brahminism. Who is managing this two-way action of the Marathas and Kunbis? The Brahminical hand behind the curtain. This is the case in all anti-Dalit and anti-Muslim war and violence where the principal villain is the Brahmin whose value system has brainwashed the shudras and BCs to hate the Dalits and Muslims. The violence against Dalits on one side and Muslims on the other keep the society permanently divided. Brahminism thrives through divide and rule. Because Brahminism has its monopoly media it can manufacture any spurious argument and sell it as supreme truth. Besides, anybody selling this spurious product is given award and reward plus publicity in the mass media which is the sole Brahminical monopoly. Anything that comes in the media is considered supreme truth. Because, a belief system has been so systematically developed and nurtured that we are made to believe anything the manuwadi media says. Belief system: And that is how a section of the gullible Dalits are "convinced" that Brahmins are good but the shudras and BCs are the criminals. The solution to this anti-Dalit caste atrocities and also anti-Muslim riots is not merely punishing the shudras and BCs. Yes this is also a must. But the more important and ever lasting solution is the destruction of the very caste system (Hinduism) for which the Bhoodevatas are not ready. They want merely the anti-Dalit war and violence must end by punishing the shudras and BCs but keeping in tact the Brahminical Social Order which is the cause of action. Quite a number of Bhoodevatas have criticised us for calling the Brahminical people as the country's ruling class. Their defence is there are hardly any Brahmin in the Union Cabinet or the state cabinet. They say the power to rule has percolated from the Brahmins downwards to the landed shudras and Backward Castes. Yes. They are right. It is the thought that rules — not the person: Those who pinpoint this are depending upon a concept of "ruling class" which has the power to confuse those who are willing to be confused. A ruling class need not necessarily rule —at least not directly. The process and the power of ruling a society comes from a thought. It is the thought that rules — not the person who sits on the chair. Whoever that sits in the chair is guided by this very same thought, propounded and promulgated by the Brahmin. Whether it is the legislature, judiciary, bureaucracy, the defence forces — they all constitute the sate. The people who function at the different levels of the above limbs of the state may not necessarily be the Brahmin but they are all guided by the supreme Brahminical thought. Who can become the temple priest: That is how even to this day the state continues to uphold the principle that a born Brahmin alone must be the temple archaka (priest). The archaka post may be the lowest and the least paid. Yes. The position and pecuniary benefit is not that matters. There are any number of people ready to hold this post for a lesser salary. The Supreme Court itself decided that a born Brahmin alone can be the temple archaka and none else. Such a decision is being blindly obeyed because it implies that the person of Brahmin alone is holy, sacred and divine. The tirtha (sacred water) can come only from the shankha (conch). What comes out from other things is just water —not tirtha. Ruling class need not rule: The rural kulaks and industrial tycoons do constitute a part of the ruling class. But it is subordinate to the Brahmin because his person alone is holy, sacred and divine. In other words the ruling class cannot be defined by the act of ruling. It is the thought that rules. Not the person who holds the power. This was so throughout the Indian history. Even during the 800 to 1,000 years of Muslim rule it was the Brahmins who have been the Prime Ministers and the real rulers. The ruling class need not necessarily rule but its thought serves the interests of that class as against the interests of the other non-ruling classes. Dr. Ambedkar verdict: In other words the govt. has to serve the interests of the ruling class. If it does not, that govt. will be removed. How does the ruling class rule? How does the ruling class see that its interests are promoted and protected? This question can be easily understood when it concerns the interests of Muslims (15%), Christians (2.5%), Sikhs (2.5%). And particularly the Dalits (20%) and Tribals (10%). Even the Backward Castes (35%). Almost 85% of the country's toiling masses have been complaining ever since "independence" of consistent and continuous discrimination, if not total neglect. All of them have invariably pointed their accusing finger at the Brahminical rulers. Dr. Ambedkar was the most prominent among the leaders of this underclass which singled out the Brahminical class as the only cause of their plight and persecution. That is how the Indian state has been openly hostile to the interests of the Dalits, tribals, OBCs, Muslims, Christians and Sikhs. Over 85% of the population. The state is hostile because the ruling class wants it to be so. The Brahminical interests will be served only if the state is against the interests of the Bahujan Samaj. Media keeps out Dalits: The composition of the country's media — print and electronic — will help us understand which is India's ruling class. A survey was made in the capital city of Delhi (DV Edit April 1, 2008: "Media monopoly helps upper castes to rule India by suppressing truth". & p. 5: "Brahmins hold 49% top jobs in national media") and the finding was that the capital's journalistic fraternity is totally Brahminical with hardly any representation from Dalits. There may be here and there some Muslims but they are chosen only after finding out their loyalty to the ruling class. Ruling class is the Intelligentsia: Ashok Rudra in his treatise refers to the Indian ruling class. He says the country's Intelligentsia is the ruling class and he defines this class as those "persons who earn their living by the sale of mental labour". This class does not include businessmen. He lists five categories of people: (1) White collar employees, (2) employees in govt. services, (3) teachers, lawyers, judges (4) artists, journalists, writers), (5) professional politicians. Mischief of middle class: It is this five classes often described in the media as the "middle class" which is the euphemism used to hide the "ruling class". Meira Kumar as pet dog: Are there no members of the SC/ST/BC or Muslim/Christian/Sikh in this "middle class"? Yes there are. They will be admitted to this exclusive club of closed coterie only after testing their value system. Once they are found to toe the Brahminical line they will be not only admitted but paraded as a pet dog. Presently Meira Kumar, a Dalit, is on the parade. Farukh Abdullah was hailed as a secular Muslim. The ruling class, therefore, need not be necessarily Brahminical. Underdogs ready to eat the Brahminical shit will be its honoured members. That is how an OBC oil crushing lowly jati fellow, Narendra Modi, is being projected as the future PM for his sterling quality of killing 2,500 Muslims in the "Gujarat Genocide - 2002". In other words, the ruling class need not necessarily be Brahmin. Bum-lickers are most welcome to join this exclusive club as chamchas and chaprasis to carry out the job of disciplining the SC/ST/BCs and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs. What is important is your ideology. Your value system. Not necessarily the caste. To that extent the caste rigidity is relaxed. But not the Brahminical ideology. The thought is not compromised. Underdogs who subscribe to this thought are admitted — of course closely watched. A member of the Brahminical ruling class need not be rich. But he must have the ability to propagate the ruling class thought. Why Paswan is loved: What is important is the Brahminical thought and the one who upholds this thought need not be a Brahmin. Ram Vilas Paswan, an Untouchable, is the blue-eyed boy of the Brahmins because he is a volatile votary of the Brahminical thought. Women's Bill: Women's Reservation Bill is a good example to prove the power of the ruling Brahminical class which wants 1/3 seats in parliament to be reserved for women so that it can fill up parliament with their women. But SC/ST/BCs and Muslims say that women's reservation is fine but their women must have the quota within the quota. In a democracy every section has the right to be represented. It is their democratic right but the rulers have denounced the opponents as anti-women and the media is painting them as women-haters. All those who depend on this manuwadi media is made to believe their version. Rulers believe what they want to believe and also make others believe. This is the power of the ruling class. Education goes to dogs: There is not a single media except the Dalit Voice which has denounced the proposed women's Bill as anti-woman. Take the education field, which is the most important sector to shape the thoughts of the youths. It is here that we find a total domination of the Brahminical class. Its interest is in the higher education to prepare their kids for overseas jobs and kushy living. So much so the entire primary and elementary education has gone to dogs. Dismissal from Indian Express: Dangerous values are injected into the veins of the youth through textbooks which are prepared by the Brahminical writers. Education, journalism, TV, cinema, theatre, painting, culture etc. are all dominated by this class. These are the principal thought-manufacturing sectors which are closely guarded. We were dismissed from the Indian Express only because we challenged the Brahminical thought which none dare do. Money corruption: India today is considered one among the most corrupt countries in the world. Money corruption is not the only variety of corruptions. Rather, money corruption is the last of the four varieties of corruption: (1) Money corruption, (2) moral corruption, (3) caste corruption, (4) intellectual corruption. The last, intellectual corruption, is the worst form of corruption and this field is the total monopoly of the Brahminical rulers. Money corruption is the last and the least harmful varieties of corruption. Since the rulers themselves are corrupt, every other section in the society has also become corrupt. And that is how the money corruption — the most visible form of corruption — has become so rampant. Supreme Court judges themselves are being mentioned by fellow judges. When the Hindu temples could be the fountain head of corruption every other form of corruption is effectively sealed and safeguarded. In other words, it is the thought that has to be clean and sublime. It is the thought which manufactures and shapes an ideology. When the thought itself is corrupt and the media promotes; it, as a country India is simply sinking. (India As a Failed State, DSA-2004). Corrupt fellows hailed: The beauty of the Indian society is that it is not happy with an incorruptible person. He becomes an unfit and avoided, if not cursed. His own wife, parents and the family feels the fellow is useless. They say he is unhelpful. Only the corrupt is not only popular but very much liked by the society. Because he adjusts himself to any occasion and any person. That is how the corrupt; person, whether a minister, judge, bureaucrat or any official is extremely popular. It is the incorruptible, simple living person who is called useless and spurned by the society. Why the Indian society has come to lionise Khetan Parekh, Harshad Mehta etc. because they corrupted the entire system and the Brahminical rulers carried them on their head as if they are our model. Kerala CM hated: Who can save such a society which praises and parades persons who are killers like Narendra Modi, Harshad Mehta. Achutanandan, the most popular CM of Kerala, a man of character, incorruptible, becomes the most hated person in the marxist party. Brahminical thought not only grows out of corruption but breeds only corruption — particularly intellectual corruption which is the fountain head of all other three varieties of corruption. That is how in the recent parliament election money power was so openly used to win and none bothered about it. Even MPs with criminal past are co-opted because they are all products of Brahminism. That is how the our property, posts and wealth are all concentrated in the hands of a micro-minority 15% of the country's 1,200 million population. Role of media: All this socialist shibboleth, Aam Admi Andolan are bullshit. Brahminical rulers are ruling us only with the help of their Brahminical media. The communists are the essential part of this conspiracy to keep the country in the Brahminical hands. Caste-wise census, income statistics are all prohibited because that would reveal which castes have prospered at whose cost. Poverty yardstick: The rulers have ruled that "economic yardstick" (poverty) should be the sole criterion for backwardness and not the time-tested "caste". Because if caste is taken as the yardstick, over 65% of the SC/ST/BCs and socially backward Muslims and Christians will come under the "Backward list" and if the funds are diverted to their welfare they will gain and challenge the Brahminical hegemony. Right from the Brahminical judiciary, media and the govt. all of them have fallen in line with this Brahminical thought. Did we not say that it is the thought that rules and not the person in authority? Half the people of India live below the poverty line. And they are entertained and made dumb and deaf by preaching them Hindu thoughts of papa, punya, punar janma (rebirth), fate — all dangerous thoughts which again make them pour their little savings into the coffers of the temples. The proverbial Indian poverty in fact enriches the rulers and helps them remain as rulers. The manufacturers of Brahminical ideology (thought) are all flourishing because they help the rulers to keep the 2/3 of the country's havenots as slaves. Cricket to entertain the masses: They are entertained by the cricket fever which is yet another ruling class poison to keep the masses enthralled. Education system is chaotic. India is shortly becoming the world's largest country of illiterates. Who cares? How to keep the SC/ST/BCs and Muslim and Christian poor, powerless and enslaved is the sole guiding rule of the "intelligentsia" who are the country's ruling class. It is this ruling class which provides the leadership to the country. Ruling class never identified: This intelligentsia constitutes the Brahminical class — though no writer or speaker has the courage to identify and name this country's principal contradiction — except the Dalit Voice. That is how we get a daily dosage of hate mails and even threats. For what? For identifying the enemy oppressor. The Brahminical advice to us is: "You go on writing all your muck without identifying the oppressor" so that the ruling Brahminical class goes on sucking the blood uninterrupted without being identified, without being named. They have introduced several provisions in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) to punish and finish those who identify the enemy. Parashuram slaughters Kshatriyas: The Kshatriyas, now called Thakurs, immediately "below" the Brahmin in the Chaturvarna order (the other name for the caste system), were literally slaughtered in thousands by the Brahmin killer god, Parasurama. The Chitpavan Brahmins, who produced Nathuram Godse, the killer of M.K. Gandhi, proudly displayed the huge cutout of their god at their recent jati conference at Pune. Kshatriya surrender: Kerala is called the Parasurama Shristi. The Brahmin-Kshatriya rivalry and hatred was so bitter and deep. But soon they surrendered to Brahmins and since then acted as the bodyguards of the Bhoodevatas. The Vaishya (Banias) has the third-ranking poverty-stricken varna. In Bihar, the Banias are classified under the Backward Castes. It is only M.K. Gandhi who lifted his jatwalas and made them moneybags on the condition they will forever remain loyal to the Bhoodevatas. Today, the Banias earn billions and feed the Bhoodevatas. Perfect understanding. That is how the Brahmins co-opted the Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. Shudras won over: The shudras, forming the fourth varna of the Hindu Chaturvarna, have been blood enemies of the Bhoodevatas. The anti-Brahmin movement that waged during the British rule and immediately after the "independence" was led by the landed shudra castes like the Marathas, Jats, Reddis, Patels, Nairs, Vokkaligas, Mudaliars, Naidus etc. But soon they were also co-opted and that is how the mere 3% Bhoodevatas consolidated their position by enlarging their strength to 15% of the country's population and became the ruling class of India. Goodbye to land reform: The shudras are essentially the landed gentry. They were co-opted to the ruling class by not implementing the land reform. In the rural area land is power. The shudra power is allowed to reign supreme and thereby co-opted to the BSO. This 15% ruling class has all the wealth, education, ritual status, beauty, caste superiority, personality, landed property. And that is how it became the country's ruling class — guided and supervised by the 3% Brahminical micro-minority intelligentsia — frustrating every socio-economic-cultural "reforms" launched since "independence". Swiss Bank account-holders: Of course there are exceptions to the rule. But please note it is the exception that proves the rule. Take the case of the people having secret accounts in the Swiss banks. Or the latest list of multi-billionaires published in the Times of India. Are there anybody from the SC/ST/BCs? Or even Muslim or Christian? There may be one or two but they are the exceptions that only prove the rule. The rule is the 15% Brahminical Social Order is the ruling class. Manmohan Singh or even his grand father will have no courage to touch the Swiss bank hidden money. How the Kshatriyas and Vaishyas were co-opted? The Bhoodevatas used social, economic, political and even psychological weapons to annex them into their fold. Today all the three are together and united. Once the three most powerful dwija varnas came together, annexing the "unthinking" shudras was no problem. Gods on earth: That is how the Brahminical people became the unquestioned leaders — not only politically but also economically. What gave the solid strength to their leadership is their supreme ritual status as the Bhoodevatas, meaning the gods on earth. Whether it is the Congress, BJP or even the communist parties the Bhoodevatas shall be the guiding spirit. Their unwritten law extends to every sphere — media, education, commerce and industry, judiciary — and even sports which in Hindu India means only cricket — the only "game" that suits the idli sambar grass-eaters. Even if there is a revolution in India, it can be led only by a Bhoodevata. That is how E.M.S. Namboodiripad became the country's greatest marxist and finally presided over the death of marxism. "Mahatma" shot dead: Budha, Guru Ravidas, Mahatma Phule, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Sri Narayana Guru, Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy and many more worked to destroy this ruling class and its Hindu caste system. And in the process they only got destroyed. The Muslims realised the supreme truth belatedly and sought a separate homeland. The Bhoodevatas used the "Gandhi weapon" to fight the Muslims and as soon as the Mahatma succeeded he was shot dead by a Chitpavan Brahmin (Why Godse Killed Gandhi?, DSA-1997). As this is written we are in total darkness. The country itself is sinking, surrounded by deadly enemies all around. Even the thinking Bhoodevatas themselves are not getting sound sleep in the night. Anything and everything they touch is turning into charcoal. We the oppressed over 85% are helpless. But here we have a unique country — the only one in the world — where the rulers themselves are deeply worried. Feeling insecure. Suspecting their own shadows. The country is neither living nor dead. It is brain dead. Its name is "Hindu India". |
Brahminical counter-revolution in full swing
OUR CORRESPONDENT
Bangalore: All the great revolutionaries of India have been made mince-meat by the Brahminical counter-revolutionaries. The Kadgadhari Budha is everywhere reduced into an eternally meditating, cross-legged statue with closed eyes. Dr. Ambedkar is forgotten by the educated Dalits.
Counter-revolution is in full swing. Dalits and even Muslims dare not revolt because they are fully Brahminised. Brahminism has made them spineless cowards. "Educated" Dalits want to run away from anything that has the label Dalit. They hate to associate with such a "humiliating" brand name.
Rural and forest tribals may be our only hope, besides the militant slum ghetto-dwelling Dalits like the ones at Ghatkopar in Bombay. They have an excellent track record of armed revolt. However, VHP and manuwadi maoists are now engaged in Brahminising even this last bastion of indigenous Bahujan culture. When even Kanshi Ram failed to understand the need for a powerful media, how can we expect the Dalits to understand anything at all?
Look at Mayawati. Even now she has not realised the value of owning a TV channel.
By the time Dalits learn to capture power within a "democratic setup", the manuwadis will simply clamp their fake moist dictatorship. We may get checkmated once again and end up with nothing.
DALIT SAHITYA AKADEMY BOOK LIST
TITLE AUTHOR PRICE IN Rs.
1. VTR : Friend, Philosopher & Guide.................. Iqbal Ahmed Shariff............................. 100
2. Caste — A Nation Within the Nation................ V.T. Rajshekar.................................. 140
3. Jati — Rashtradolagondu Rashtra (Kannada)..... V.T. Rajshekar.................................. 140
4. Jati — Rashtrake Andar Ek Rashtra (Hindi)..... V.T. Rajshekar.................................. 140
5. Dalit — The Black Untouchables of India (American publication).... V.T. Rajshekar........ 150
6. know the Hindu Mind......... V.T. Rajshekar.................................. 100
7. Tereya Teredaga (Kannada)........ Rajendra....................................... 100
8. Gandhi — You Do not Know (Collection of articles).................... 75
9. Ready Reference to Revolutionaries................ V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 75
10. Development Redefined................ V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 75
11. Brahminism: Weapons to Fight Counter Revolution............... V.T. Rajshekar.................. 75
12. Shape of the Things to Come........................................ V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 50
13. Aggression on Indian Culture................................. V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 50
14. India's Intellectual Desert......................................... V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 50
15. Grave Diggers of History................................................. V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 40
16. Merit, My Foot.................................................................... V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 30
17. Dalits & Muslims as Blood Brothers................ S.K. Biswas....................................... 30
18. Hindu Mind vs. Muslim Mind.................... V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 25
19. Introducing V.T. Rajshekar & Dalit Voice.............. Interview.................... 25
20. Hindu Serpent vs. Muslim Mongoose...................... V.T. Rajshekar.................................... 25
21. Brahminism in India & Zionism in West......... V.T. Rajshekar................. 25
22. Judicial Terrorism..................... V.T. Rajshekar &Iqbal Ahmed Sharif................. 25
23. Sergeant-Major M.K. Gandhi.............................. Velu Annamalai................................... 20
24. Caste identity Leads to Caste War & Revolution.......... Prof. S. Singha Chowdhury............. 10
25. Muslims Can Destroy Brahminism................... Sufi Nazir Ahmed Kashmiri......................... 10
26. Caste Identity & Social Justice.................... Dr.V.D. Chandanshive.............................. 10
27. Curse of Allah (Articles on the Spirit of Islam)................................. 10
28. Riddle of Rama & Krishna....................... Dr.B.R. Ambedkar................................. 10
29. Brahminism Killing India: Zionism Killing West.................. V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
30. What is Wrong with Muslims?.................. V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
31. Jews of India Getting Closer to Jews............................ V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
32. Crisis in Dalit Movement............................... V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
33. How America Got Defeated in War on Terror.................... V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
34. Liberation from Brahminism...................... Joseph D'Souza..................................... 5
35. In Defence of Brahmins......................... V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
36. West Losing War on Muslims................ V.T. Rajshekar...................................... 5
37. Why Go For Conversion............. Dr B.R. Ambedkar................................. 10
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WHY FOOL YOURSELVES?/ Introspection may help the CPI(M) recognize a harsh truth
The following article by Dr Ashok Mitra who requires no introduction makes an indepth analysis of the Lok Sabha elections. He draws some of the lessons which accordingly should be drawn by the Left parties and particularly the CPIM. It was originally published in The Telegraph. Pragoti produces this for its readers.
In a country where three-quarters of the population are poor by any criterion, and at least one-quarter live below the level of subsistence, the Left cannot but be acutely relevant. What is perhaps of equal relevance is an adequate parliamentary presence on their behalf; otherwise the victims of persistent deprivation may seek advice and counsel from such armed bands as are roaming the forests of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The extremely poor performance of the Left in the Lok Sabha polls — the number of Left members of parliament has shrunk from 60 to less than 25 — should in fact be a matter for concern.
The heartland of India has of course always eluded the Left; its inability to cope with the class-caste dichotomy is well known. The Left influence has mostly remained confined to Kerala and West Bengal. In both these states, they have fared badly in the just-concluded elections. In Kerala, the electorate is in the habit of switching its loyalty from the Congress-led United Democratic Front to the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front from one election to the next; the support for the two fronts is also so tautly balanced that a marginal shift in the voting pattern results in an inordinately big shift in the number of seats won or lost. This has happened this time too: it is well on the cards that, come the next election season, the Left will recover lost ground.
The circumstances are qualitatively different in West Bengal. On March 13 last, this column had occasion to let drop the following comment: "The prospect of the Left in the impending Lok Sabha polls seems somewhat dicey, but not on account of the Congress and the famous lady coming together. The determining factor is going to be the degree of erosion of the CPI(M)'s mass base in the course of the past two-and-a-half years, which might amount to five per cent or more." The poll outcome has vindicated the prognosis.
The Left debacle in the state has nothing to do with the coming together of the Congress and the Trinamul Congress. In constituency after constituency, the Left Front has lost simply because of a substantial swing against it, often to the extent of more than five per cent; in pockets where the issue of land acquisition had a direct bearing on the life and living of the local populace, the swing has been as much as 15 to 20 per cent. The parliamentary election was converted by general consensus into a straightforward referendum on the Left Front administration's performance in the state. The verdict could not have been more clear-cut, with the electorate expressing its deep lack of confidence in the state government. It is the same electorate which had, in May 2006, reinstalled the front in power for the seventh successive time; the front had then captured 235 out of a total of 294 seats in the state assembly. An extraordinary reversal of fortune has come about in the course of a bare three years.
For supporters and devotees of the Left Front, to turn a Nelson's eye to the reality of things will be self-defeating. The disappointing poll performance, a front spokesman has reportedly suggested, is a by-product of the national wave in favour of the Congress. The swing towards the Congress across the country is, however, barely two per cent, the shift of votes against the Left Front in West Bengal averages to around six per cent.
Another explanation proffered for the front's debacle actually runs along communal lines. The poll reversal has occurred allegedly on account of the minority community voting solidly against the Left. This alibi, too, does not hold water. There is hardly any difference between the voting pattern in the Muslim-dominated constituencies in Murshidabad and that in Bankura where the minority community has a low presence. (Not that Muslims in the state do not have genuine reasons to feel unhappy with the front government. Leave aside the controversy over the Sachar committee report, the home department of the state administration has been enthusiastically endorsing the Bharatiya Janata Party line on supposed infiltration from Bangladesh and supposed goings-on in the madrasas.)
It will not do to run away from the crux of the matter. The main poll issue in West Bengal was the state government's policy of capitalist industrial growth; events in Singur and Nandigram were offshoots of that policy. Many sections, including staunch long-time supporters of the Left cause, had been shocked by the cynical nonchalance initially exhibited by the state government on police firing on women and children in Nandigram. A series of other faux pas was committed in its wake, including the messy affair of the Tata small car project. The electorate reached its conclusion on the government's putting all its eggs in the Nano basket. Once the Tatas departed, the state administration was dubbed not only insensitive, but incompetent as well. Questions have continued to be raised one after another: was it really necessary to take over fertile land at Singur, why could not the Tatas be prevailed upon to choose an alternative site, why did not the state government apply adequate pressure on the United Progressive Alliance regime in New Delhi — which was assumed to depend upon Left support for survival — to pass the necessary legislation so that land belonging to closed factories could be taken over to locate new industries? And why the state government was reluctant to lobby earnestly in the national capital for adequate resources from centrally controlled public financial institutions to the state exchequer, which could have ensured industrial expansion in the public domain itself — whether this reluctance was merely due to lack of resources or because of a deeper ideological reason such as a loss of faith in socialistic precepts and practices.
A number of other unsavoury facts also need to be laid bare. A state government does not have too much of funds or other spoils to distribute. But in a milieu where feudal elements co-inhabit with the petit bourgeoisie, persons in a position to dispense only little favours can also attract fair-weather friends and gather sycophants around them. Concentric circles of favour-rendering develop fast. Merit necessarily takes a backseat in official decisions. Corruption, never mind how small-scale, creeps in. Nepotism, sprouting at the top, gradually infects descending rungs of administration, including the panchayats. Much of all this has taken place of late within the precincts of the Left regime. The net effect is a steep decline in the quality of governance. The fall in efficiency is illustrated by the inept handling of programmes like the rural employment guarantee scheme. To make things worse, all this has been accompanied by a kind of hauteur which goes ill with radical commitment.
Those organizing protests and agitations against the Left Front regime — and who have succeeded in bringing state administration to a virtual standstill — are of course no lily-white species. They include a fair proportion of crooks, knaves and opportunists. But the voters did not sit in judgment on them. they voted against the Left Front; whom they voted for was of secondary concern.
The CPI(M) still has, in the state, within its fold, thousands of sincere, selfless and dedicated workers and followers. A large number of them are unhappy at the way the state administration conducted itself in recent years, but the lopsided discipline of democratic centralism has kept them silent. Suggestions from outside — even from friendly sources — are generally not welcome in the party. An organizational structure of this nature does not allow scope for continuous appraisal and re-appraisal of policies and programmes; those within the set-up are apparently satisfied taking each other's washing. On the other hand, if the status quo continues, the consequences of the doings of the government the party controls in West Bengal will have to be borne by radical-minded millions strewn across the nation.
There is a school of thought that the Left Front regime should redo its arithmetic, correct some of the mistakes it had committed and use the two years before the scheduled assembly poll to stage a recovery. However, in the absence of a tranquil atmosphere, none of this will be achievable; the formidable lady will not grant the front that tranquillity. Her minions can be expected to be permanently on the streets till the Left regime is reduced to a totally helpless and bewildered state. It will then stand even more discredited than what it is today.
Does it not make more sense for the front ministry to remit office immediately, seeking forgiveness from the people for the hurt it has caused to their hopes and sentiments? Some of the front's disaffected flock are likely to return to the fold following such a gesture. The lady too will have nothing to rail against any more. Should she, through New Delhi's dispensation, attain her ambition to rule the state, the people would be provided an opportunity to assess objectively persons, parties and programmes.
Withdrawal from office will assist the CPI(M) to attempt a new beginning in the state. It will also help it to shed some of the dross it has accumulated in recent times as well as some of the superciliousness creeping in at the top. A season of introspection could also persuade the party's state leadership to take cognizance of a harsh truth: acknowledge that the slogan of development is no substitute for ideology; it only spawns an attitude of mind which places self-seeking on a pedestal and acts as breeding ground for an apolitical generation which either does not care to vote or decides that if capitalist growth is what is aimed at, it is more appropriate to vote for an unabashed capitalist party than for a confused Left.
Printer-friendly versionTagore and His India
by Amartya Sen*
1998 Laureate in Economics
28 August 2001
Voice of Bengal
Rabindranath Tagore, who died in 1941 at the age of eighty, is a towering figure in the millennium-old literature of Bengal. Anyone who becomes familiar with this large and flourishing tradition will be impressed by the power of Tagore's presence in Bangladesh and in India. His poetry as well as his novels, short stories, and essays are very widely read, and the songs he composed reverberate around the eastern part of India and throughout Bangladesh.
In contrast, in the rest of the world, especially in Europe and America, the excitement that Tagore's writings created in the early years of the twentieth century has largely vanished. The enthusiasm with which his work was once greeted was quite remarkable. Gitanjali, a selection of his poetry for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1913, was published in English translation in London in March of that year, and had been reprinted ten times by November, when the award was announced. But he is not much read now in the West, and already by 1937, Graham Greene was able to say: "As for Rabindranath Tagore, I cannot believe that anyone but Mr. Yeats can still take his poems very seriously."
The Mystic
The contrast between Tagore's commanding presence in Bengali literature and culture, and his near-total eclipse in the rest of the world, is perhaps less interesting than the distinction between the view of Tagore as a deeply relevant and many-sided contemporary thinker in Bangladesh and India, and his image in the West as a repetitive and remote spiritualist. Graham Greene had, in fact, gone on to explain that he associated Tagore "with what Chesterton calls 'the bright pebbly eyes' of the Theosophists." Certainly, an air of mysticism played some part in the "selling" of Rabindranath Tagore to the West by Yeats, Ezra Pound, and his other early champions. Even Anna Akhmatova, one of Tagore's few later admirers (who translated his poems into Russian in the mid-1960s), talks of "that mighty flow of poetry which takes its strength from Hinduism as from the Ganges, and is called Rabindranath Tagore."
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| An air of mysticism. Portrait by W. Rothenstein |
Confluence of Cultures
Rabindranath did come from a Hindu family—one of the landed gentry who owned estates mostly in what is now Bangladesh. But whatever wisdom there might be in Akhmatova's invoking of Hinduism and the Ganges, it did not prevent the largely Muslim citizens of Bangladesh from having a deep sense of identity with Tagore and his ideas. Nor did it stop the newly independent Bangladesh from choosing one of Tagore's songs—the "Amar Sonar Bangla" which means "my golden Bengal"—as its national anthem. This must be very confusing to those who see the contemporary world as a "clash of civilizations"—with "the Muslim civilization," "the Hindu civilization," and "the Western civilization," each forcefully confronting the others. They would also be confused by Rabindranath Tagore's own description of his Bengali family as the product of "a confluence of three cultures: Hindu, Mohammedan, and British".1
Rabindranath's grandfather, Dwarkanath, was well known for his command of Arabic and Persian, and Rabindranath grew up in a family atmosphere in which a deep knowledge of Sanskrit and ancient Hindu texts was combined with an understanding of Islamic traditions as well as Persian literature. It is not so much that Rabindranath tried to produce—or had an interest in producing—a "synthesis" of the different religions (as the great Moghul emperor Akbar tried hard to achieve) as that his outlook was persistently non-sectarian, and his writings—some two hundred books—show the influence of different parts of the Indian cultural background as well as of the rest of the world. 2
Abode of Peace
Most of his work was written at Santiniketan (Abode of Peace), the small town that grew around the school he founded in Bengal in 1901, and he not only conceived there an imaginative and innovative system of education, but through his writings and his influence on students and teachers, he was able to use the school as a base from which he could take a major part in India's social, political, and cultural movements.
The profoundly original writer, whose elegant prose and magical poetry Bengali readers know well, is not the sermonizing spiritual guru admired—and then rejected—in London. Tagore was not only an immensely versatile poet; he was also a great short story writer, novelist, playwright, essayist, and composer of songs, as well as a talented painter whose pictures, with their mixture of representation and abstraction, are only now beginning to receive the acclaim that they have long deserved. His essays, moreover, ranged over literature, politics, culture, social change, religious beliefs, philosophical analysis, international relations, and much else. The coincidence of the fiftieth anniversary of Indian independence with the publication of a selection of Tagore's letters by Cambridge University Press 3, brought Tagore's ideas and reflections to the fore, which makes it important to examine what kind of leadership in thought and understanding he provided in the Indian subcontinent in the first half of this century.
Gandhi and Tagore
Since Rabindranath Tagore and Mohandas Gandhi were two leading Indian thinkers in the twentieth century, many commentators have tried to compare their ideas. On learning of Rabindranath's death, Jawaharlal Nehru, then incarcerated in a British jail in India, wrote in his prison diary for August 7, 1941:
"Gandhi and Tagore. Two types entirely different from each other, and yet both of them typical of India, both in the long line of India's great men ... It is not so much because of any single virtue but because of the tout ensemble, that I felt that among the world's great men today Gandhi and Tagore were supreme as human beings. What good fortune for me to have come into close contact with them."
Romain Rolland was fascinated by the contrast between them, and when he completed his book on Gandhi, he wrote to an Indian academic, in March 1923: "I have finished my Gandhi, in which I pay tribute to your two great river-like souls, overflowing with divine spirit, Tagore and Gandhi." The following month, he recorded in his diary an account of some of the differences between Gandhi and Tagore written by Reverend C.F. Andrews, the English clergyman and public activist who was a close friend of both men (and whose important role in Gandhi's life in South Africa as well as India is well portrayed in Richard Attenborough's film Gandhi [1982]). Andrews described to Rolland a discussion between Tagore and Gandhi, at which he was present, on subjects that divided them:
"The first subject of discussion was idols; Gandhi defended them, believing the masses incapable of raising themselves immediately to abstract ideas. Tagore cannot bear to see the people eternally treated as a child. Gandhi quoted the great things achieved in Europe by the flag as an idol; Tagore found it easy to object, but Gandhi held his ground, contrasting European flags bearing eagles, etc., with his own, on which he has put a spinning wheel. The second point of discussion was nationalism, which Gandhi defended. He said that one must go through nationalism to reach internationalism, in the same way that one must go through war to reach peace."4
Tagore greatly admired Gandhi but he had many disagreements with him on a variety of subjects, including nationalism, patriotism, the importance of cultural exchange, the role of rationality and of science, and the nature of economic and social development. These differences, I shall argue, have a clear and consistent pattern, with Tagore pressing for more room for reasoning, and for a less traditionalist view, a greater interest in the rest of the world, and more respect for science and for objectivity generally.
Rabindranath knew that he could not have given India the political leadership that Gandhi provided, and he was never stingy in his praise for what Gandhi did for the nation (it was, in fact, Tagore who popularized the term "Mahatma"—great soul—as a description of Gandhi). And yet each remained deeply critical of many things that the other stood for. That Mahatma Gandhi has received incomparably more attention outside India and also within much of India itself makes it important to understand "Tagore's side" of the Gandhi-Tagore debates.
In his prison diary, Nehru wrote: "Perhaps it is as well that [Tagore] died now and did not see the many horrors that are likely to descend in increasing measure on the world and on India. He had seen enough and he was infinitely sad and unhappy." Toward the end of his life, Tagore was indeed becoming discouraged about the state of India, especially as its normal burden of problems, such as hunger and poverty, was being supplemented by politically organized incitement to "communal" violence between Hindus and Muslims. This conflict would lead in 1947, six years after Tagore's death, to the widespread killing that took place during partition; but there was much gore already during his declining days. In December 1939, he wrote to his friend Leonard Elmhirst, the English philanthropist and social reformer who had worked closely with him on rural reconstruction in India (and who had gone on to found the Dartington Hall Trust in England and a progressive school at Dartington that explicitly invoked Rabindranath's educational ideals):5
"It does not need a defeatist to feel deeply anxious about the future of millions who, with all their innate culture and their peaceful traditions are being simultaneously subjected to hunger, disease, exploitations foreign and indigenous, and the seething discontents of communalism."
How would Tagore have viewed the India of today? Would he see progress there, or wasted opportunity, perhaps even a betrayal of its promise and conviction? And, on a wider subject, how would he react to the spread of cultural separatism in the contemporary world?
East and West
Given the vast range of his creative achievements, perhaps the most astonishing aspect of the image of Tagore in the West is its narrowness; he is recurrently viewed as "the great mystic from the East," an image with a putative message for the West, which some would welcome, others dislike, and still others find deeply boring. To a great extent this Tagore was the West's own creation, part of its tradition of message-seeking from the East, particularly from India, which—as Hegel put it—had "existed for millennia in the imagination of the Europeans."6 Friedrich Schlegel, Schelling, Herder, and Schopenhauer were only a few of the thinkers who followed the same pattern. They theorized, at first, that India was the source of superior wisdom. Schopenhauer at one stage even argued that the New Testament "must somehow be of Indian origin: this is attested by its completely Indian ethics, which transforms morals into asceticism, its pessimism, and its avatar," in "the person of Christ." But then they rejected their own theories with great vehemence, sometimes blaming India for not living up to their unfounded expectations.
We can imagine that Rabindranath's physical appearance—handsome, bearded, dressed in non-Western clothes—may, to some extent, have encouraged his being seen as a carrier of exotic wisdom. Yasunari Kawabata, the first Japanese Nobel Laureate in Literature, treasured memories from his middle-school days of "this sage-like poet":
His white hair flowed softly down both sides of his forehead; the tufts of hair under the temples also were long like two beards, and linking up with the hair on his cheeks, continued into his beard, so that he gave an impression, to the boy I was then, of some ancient Oriental wizard.7
That appearance would have been well-suited to the selling of Tagore in the West as a quintessentially mystical poet, and it could have made it somewhat easier to pigeonhole him. Commenting on Rabindranath's appearance, Frances Cornford told William Rothenstein, "I can now imagine a powerful and gentle Christ, which I never could before." Beatrice Webb, who did not like Tagore and resented what she took to be his "quite obvious dislike of all that the Webbs stand for" (there is, in fact, little evidence that Tagore had given much thought to this subject), said that he was "beautiful to look at" and that "his speech has the perfect intonation and slow chant-like moderation of the dramatic saint." Ezra Pound and W. B. Yeats, among others, first led the chorus of adoration in the Western appreciation of Tagore, and then soon moved to neglect and even shrill criticism. The contrast between Yeats's praise of his work in 1912 ("These lyrics…display in their thought a world I have dreamed of all my life long," "the work of a supreme culture") and his denunciation in 1935 ("Damn Tagore") arose partly from the inability of Tagore's many-sided writings to fit into the narrow box in which Yeats wanted to place—and keep—him. Certainly, Tagore did write a huge amount, and published ceaselessly, even in English (sometimes in indifferent English translation), but Yeats was also bothered, it is clear, by the difficulty of fitting Tagore's later writings into the image Yeats had presented to the West. Tagore, he had said, was the product of "a whole people, a whole civilization, immeasurably strange to us," and yet "we have met our own image,…or heard, perhaps for the first time in literature, our voice as in a dream."8
Yeats did not totally reject his early admiration (as Ezra Pound and several others did), and he included some of Tagore's early poems in The Oxford Book of Modern Verse, which he edited in 1936. Yeats also had some favorable things to say about Tagore's prose writings. His censure of Tagore's later poems was reinforced by his dislike of Tagore's own English translations of his work ("Tagore does not know English, no Indian knows English," Yeats explained), unlike the English version of Gitanjali which Yeats had himself helped to prepare. Poetry is, of course, notoriously difficult to translate, and anyone who knows Tagore's poems in their original Bengali cannot feel satisfied with any of the translations (made with or without Yeats's help). Even the translations of his prose works suffer, to some extent, from distortion. E.M. Forster noted, in a review of a translation of one of Tagore's great Bengali novels, The Home and the World, in 1919: "The theme is so beautiful," but the charms have "vanished in translation," or perhaps "in an experiment that has not quite come off."9
Tagore himself played a somewhat bemused part in the boom and bust of his English reputation. He accepted the extravagant praise with much surprise as well as pleasure, and then received denunciations with even greater surprise, and barely concealed pain. Tagore was sensitive to criticism, and was hurt by even the most far-fetched accusations, such as the charge that he was getting credit for the work of Yeats, who had "rewritten" Gitanjali. (This charge was made by a correspondent for The Times, Sir Valentine Chirol, whom E.M. Forster once described as "an old Anglo-Indian reactionary hack.") From time to time Tagore also protested the crudity of some of his overexcited advocates. He wrote to C.F. Andrews in 1920: "These people…are like drunkards who are afraid of their lucid intervals."
God and Others
Yeats was not wrong to see a large religious element in Tagore's writings. He certainly had interesting and arresting things to say about life and death. Susan Owen, the mother of Wilfred Owen, wrote to Rabindranath in 1920, describing her last conversations with her son before he left for the war which would take his life. Wilfred said goodbye with "those wonderful words of yours—beginning at 'When I go from hence, let this be my parting word.'" When Wilfred's pocket notebook was returned to his mother, she found "these words written in his dear writing—with your name beneath."
The idea of a direct, joyful, and totally fearless relationship with God can be found in many of Tagore's religious writings, including the poems of Gitanjali. From India's diverse religious traditions he drew many ideas, both from ancient texts and from popular poetry. But "the bright pebbly eyes of the Theosophists" do not stare out of his verses. Despite the archaic language of the original translation of Gitanjali, which did not, I believe, help to preserve the simplicity of the original, its elementary humanity comes through more clearly than any complex and intense spirituality:
Leave this chanting and singing and telling of beads! Whom dost thou worship in this lonely dark corner of a temple with doors all shut?
Open thine eyes and see thy God is not before thee!
He is there where the tiller is tilling the hard ground and where the pathmaker is breaking stones.
He is with them in sun and in shower, and his garment is covered with dust.
An ambiguity about religious experience is central to many of Tagore's devotional poems, and makes them appeal to readers irrespective of their beliefs; but excessively detailed interpretation can ruinously strip away that ambiguity.10 This applies particularly to his many poems which combine images of human love and those of pious devotion. Tagore writes:
I have no sleep to-night. Ever and again I open my door and look out on the darkness, my friend!
I can see nothing before me. I wonder where lies thy path!
By what dim shore of the ink-black river, by what far edge of the frowning forest, through what mazy depth of gloom, art thou threading thy course to come to see me, my friend?
I suppose it could be helpful to be told, as Yeats hastens to explain, that "the servant or the bride awaiting the master's home-coming in the empty house" is "among the images of the heart turning to God." But in Yeats's considerate attempt to make sure that the reader does not miss the "main point," something of the enigmatic beauty of the Bengali poem is lost - even what had survived the antiquated language of the English translation. Tagore certainly had strongly held religious beliefs (of an unusually nondenominational kind), but he was interested in a great many other things as well and had many different things to say about them.
Some of the ideas he tried to present were directly political, and they figure rather prominently in his letters and lectures. He had practical, plainly expressed views about nationalism, war and peace, cross-cultural education, freedom of the mind, the importance of rational criticism, the need for openness, and so on. His admirers in the West, however, were tuned to the more otherworldly themes which had been emphasized by his first Western patrons. People came to his public lectures in Europe and America, expecting ruminations on grand, transcendental themes; when they heard instead his views on the way public leaders should behave, there was some resentment, particularly (as E.P. Thompson reports) when he delivered political criticism "at $700 a scold."
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| An ambiguity about religious experience. The Royal Library |
Reasoning in Freedom
For Tagore it was of the highest importance that people be able to live, and reason, in freedom. His attitudes toward politics and culture, nationalism and internationalism, tradition and modernity, can all be seen in the light of this belief.11 Nothing, perhaps, expresses his values as clearly as a poem in Gitanjali:
Where the mind is without fear
and the head is held high;
Where knowledge is free;
Where the world has not been
broken up into fragments
by narrow domestic walls; ...
Where the clear stream of reason
has not lost its way into the
dreary desert sand of dead habit; ...
Into that heaven of freedom,
my Father, let my country awake.
Rabindranath's qualified support for nationalist movements—and his opposition to the unfreedom of alien rule—came from this commitment. So did his reservations about patriotism, which, he argued, can limit both the freedom to engage ideas from outside "narrow domestic walls" and the freedom also to support the causes of people in other countries. Rabindranath's passion for freedom underlies his firm opposition to unreasoned traditionalism, which makes one a prisoner of the past (lost, as he put it, in "the dreary desert sand of dead habit").
Tagore illustrates the tyranny of the past in his amusing yet deeply serious parable "Kartar Bhoot" ("The Ghost of the Leader"). As the respected leader of an imaginary land is about to die, his panic-stricken followers request him to stay on after his death to instruct them on what to do. He consents. But his followers find their lives are full of rituals and constraints on everyday behavior and are not responsive to the world around them. Ultimately, they request the ghost of the leader to relieve them of his domination, when he informs them that he exists only in their minds.
Tagore's deep aversion to any commitment to the past that could not be modified by contemporary reason extended even to the alleged virtue of invariably keeping past promises. On one occasion when Mahatma Gandhi visited Tagore's school at Santiniketan, a young woman got him to sign her autograph book. Gandhi wrote: "Never make a promise in haste. Having once made it fulfill it at the cost of your life." When he saw this entry, Tagore became agitated. He wrote in the same book a short poem in Bengali to the effect that no one can be made "a prisoner forever with a chain of clay." He went on to conclude in English, possibly so that Gandhi could read it too, "Fling away your promise if it is found to be wrong."12
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| Tagore and Gandhi, in Shantiniketan, 1940. Shantiniketan Collections |
Tagore had the greatest admiration for Mahatma Gandhi as a person and as a political leader, but he was also highly skeptical of Gandhi's form of nationalism and his conservative instincts regarding the country's past traditions. He never criticized Gandhi personally. In the 1938 essay, "Gandhi the Man," he wrote:
Great as he is as a politician, as an organizer, as a leader of men, as a moral reformer, he is greater than all these as a man, because none of these aspects and activities limits his humanity. They are rather inspired and sustained by it.
And yet there is a deep division between the two men. Tagore was explicit about his disagreement:
We who often glorify our tendency to ignore reason, installing in its place blind faith, valuing it as spiritual, are ever paying for its cost with the obscuration of our mind and destiny. I blamed Mahatmaji for exploiting this irrational force of credulity in our people, which might have had a quick result [in creating] a superstructure, while sapping the foundation. Thus began my estimate of Mahatmaji, as the guide of our nation, and it is fortunate for me that it did not end there.
But while it "did not end there," that difference of vision was a powerful divider. Tagore, for example, remained unconvinced of the merit of Gandhi's forceful advocacy that everyone should spin at home with the "charka," the primitive spinning wheel. For Gandhi this practice was an important part of India's self-realization. "The spinning-wheel gradually became," as his biographer B.R. Nanda writes, "the center of rural uplift in the Gandhian scheme of Indian economics."13 Tagore found the alleged economic rationale for this scheme quite unrealistic. As Romain Rolland noted, Rabindranath "never tires of criticizing the charka." In this economic judgment, Tagore was probably right. Except for the rather small specialized market for high-quality spun cloth, it is hard to make economic sense of hand-spinning, even with wheels less primitive than Gandhi's charka. Hand-spinning as a widespread activity can survive only with the help of heavy government subsidies.14 However, Gandhi's advocacy of the charka was not based only on economics. He wanted everyone to spin for "thirty minutes every day as a sacrifice," seeing this as a way for people who are better off to identify themselves with the less fortunate. He was impatient with Tagore's refusal to grasp this point:
The poet lives for the morrow, and would have us do likewise…. "Why should I, who have no need to work for food, spin?" may be the question asked. Because I am eating what does not belong to me. I am living on the spoliation of my countrymen. Trace the source of every coin that finds its way into your pocket, and you will realise the truth of what I write. Every one must spin. Let Tagore spin like the others. Let him burn his foreign clothes; that is the duty today. God will take care of the morrow.15
If Tagore had missed something in Gandhi's argument, so did Gandhi miss the point of Tagore's main criticism. It was not only that the charka made little economic sense, but also, Tagore thought, that it was not the way to make people reflect on anything: "The charka does not require anyone to think; one simply turns the wheel of the antiquated invention endlessly, using the minimum of judgment and stamina."
Celibacy and Personal Life
Tagore and Gandhi's attitudes toward personal life were also quite different. Gandhi was keen on the virtues of celibacy, theorized about it, and, after some years of conjugal life, made a private commitment—publicly announced—to refrain from sleeping with his wife. Rabindranath's own attitude on this subject was very different, but he was gentle about their disagreements:
[Gandhiji] condemns sexual life as inconsistent with the moral progress of man, and has a horror of sex as great as that of the author of The Kreutzer Sonata, but, unlike Tolstoy, he betrays no abhorrence of the sex that tempts his kind. In fact, his tenderness for women is one of the noblest and most consistent traits of his character, and he counts among the women of his country some of his best and truest comrades in the great movement he is leading.
Tagore's personal life was, in many ways, an unhappy one. He married in 1883, lost his wife in 1902, and never remarried. He sought close companionship, which he did not always get (perhaps even during his married life—he wrote to his wife, Mrinalini: "If you and I could be comrades in all our work and in all our thoughts it would be splendid, but we cannot attain all that we desire"). He maintained a warm friendship with, and a strong Platonic attachment to, the literature-loving wife, Kadambari, of his elder brother, Jyotirindranath. He dedicated some poems to her before his marriage, and several books afterward, some after her death (she committed suicide, for reasons that are not fully understood, at the age of twenty-five, four months after Rabindranath's wedding). Much later in life, during his tour of Argentina in 1924-1925, Rabindranath came to know the talented and beautiful Victoria Ocampo, who later became the publisher of the literary magazine Sur. They became close friends, but it appears that Rabindranath deflected the possibility of a passionate relationship into a confined intellectual one.16 His friend Leonard Elmhirst, who accompanied Rabindranath on his Argentine tour, wrote:
Besides having a keen intellectual understanding of his books, she was in love with him—but instead of being content to build a friendship on the basis of intellect, she was in a hurry to establish that kind of proprietary right over him which he absolutely would not brook.
Ocampo and Elmhirst, while remaining friendly, were both quite rude in what they wrote about each other. Ocampo's book on Tagore (of which a Bengali translation was made from the Spanish by the distinguished poet and critic Shankha Ghosh) is primarily concerned with Tagore's writings but also discusses the pleasures and difficulties of their relationship, giving quite a different account from Elmhirst's, and never suggesting any sort of proprietary intentions.
Victoria Ocampo, however, makes it clear that she very much wanted to get physically closer to Rabindranath: "Little by little he [Tagore] partially tamed the young animal, by turns wild and docile, who did not sleep, dog-like, on the floor outside his door, simply because it was not done."17 Rabindranath, too, was clearly very much attracted to her. He called her "Vijaya" (the Sanskrit equivalent of Victoria), dedicated a book of poems to her, Purabi—an "evening melody," and expressed great admiration for her mind ("like a star that was distant"). In a letter to her he wrote, as if to explain his own reticence:
When we were together, we mostly played with words and tried to laugh away our best opportunities to see each other clearly ... Whenever there is the least sign of the nest becoming a jealous rival of the sky [,] my mind, like a migrant bird, tries to take ... flight to a distant shore.
Five years later, during Tagore's European tour in 1930, he sent her a cable: "Will you not come and see me." She did. But their relationship did not seem to go much beyond conversation, and their somewhat ambiguous correspondence continued over the years. Written in 1940, a year before his death at eighty, one of the poems in Sesh Lekha ("Last Writings"), seems to be about her: "How I wish I could once again find my way to that foreign land where waits for me the message of love!/… Her language I knew not, but what her eyes said will forever remain eloquent in its anguish."18 However indecisive, or confused, or awkward Rabindranath may have been, he certainly did not share Mahatma Gandhi's censorious views of sex. In fact, when it came to social policy, he advocated contraception and family planning while Gandhi preferred abstinence.
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| Tagore with his wife Mrinalini Devi in 1883. Shantiniketan Collections |
Science and the People
Gandhi and Tagore severely clashed over their totally different attitudes toward science. In January 1934, Bihar was struck by a devastating earthquake, which killed thousands of people. Gandhi, who was then deeply involved in the fight against untouchability (the barbaric system inherited from India's divisive past, in which "lowly people" were kept at a physical distance), extracted a positive lesson from the tragic event. "A man like me," Gandhi argued, "cannot but believe this earthquake is a divine chastisement sent by God for our sins" — in particular the sins of untouchability. "For me there is a vital connection between the Bihar calamity and the untouchability campaign."
Tagore, who equally abhorred untouchability and had joined Gandhi in the movements against it, protested against this interpretation of an event that had caused suffering and death to so many innocent people, including children and babies. He also hated the epistemology implicit in seeing an earthquake as caused by ethical failure. "It is," he wrote, "all the more unfortunate because this kind of unscientific view of [natural] phenomena is too readily accepted by a large section of our countrymen."
The two remained deeply divided over their attitudes toward science. However, while Tagore believed that modern science was essential to the understanding of physical phenomena, his views on epistemology were interestingly heterodox. He did not take the simple "realist" position often associated with modern science. The report of his conversation with Einstein, published in The New York Times in 1930, shows how insistent Tagore was on interpreting truth through observation and reflective concepts. To assert that something is true or untrue in the absence of anyone to observe or perceive its truth, or to form a conception of what it is, appeared to Tagore to be deeply questionable. When Einstein remarked, "If there were no human beings any more, the Apollo Belvedere no longer would be beautiful?" Tagore simply replied, "No." Going further—and into much more interesting territory—Einstein said, "I agree with regard to this conception of beauty, but not with regard to truth." Tagore's response was: "Why not? Truth is realized through men."19
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| Albert Einstein and Tagore, in New York, 1930. Photo: Martin Vos/Rabindra Bhavan, Shantiniketan |
Tagore's epistemology, which he never pursued systematically, would seem to be searching for a line of reasoning that would later be elegantly developed by Hilary Putnam, who has argued: "Truth depends on conceptual schemes and it is nonetheless 'real truth.'"20 Tagore himself said little to explain his convictions, but it is important to take account of his heterodoxy, not only because his speculations were invariably interesting, but also because they illustrate how his support for any position, including his strong interest in science, was accompanied by critical scrutiny.
Nationalism and Colonialism
Tagore was predictably hostile to communal sectarianism (such as a Hindu orthodoxy that was antagonistic to Islamic, Christian, or Sikh perspectives). But even nationalism seemed to him to be suspect. Isaiah Berlin summarizes well Tagore's complex position on Indian nationalism:
Tagore stood fast on the narrow causeway, and did not betray his vision of the difficult truth. He condemned romantic overattachment to the past, what he called the tying of India to the past "like a sacrificial goat tethered to a post," and he accused men who displayed it - they seemed to him reactionary - of not knowing what true political freedom was, pointing out that it is from English thinkers and English books that the very notion of political liberty was derived. But against cosmopolitanism he maintained that the English stood on their own feet, and so must Indians. In 1917 he once more denounced the danger of 'leaving everything to the unalterable will of the Master,' be he brahmin or Englishman.21
The duality Berlin points to is well reflected also in Tagore's attitude toward cultural diversity. He wanted Indians to learn what is going on elsewhere, how others lived, what they valued, and so on, while remaining interested and involved in their own culture and heritage. Indeed, in his educational writings the need for synthesis is strongly stressed. It can also be found in his advice to Indian students abroad. In 1907 he wrote to his son-in-law Nagendranath Gangulee, who had gone to America to study agriculture:
To get on familiar terms with the local people is a part of your education. To know only agriculture is not enough; you must know America too. Of course if, in the process of knowing America, one begins to lose one's identity and falls into the trap of becoming an Americanised person contemptuous of everything Indian, it is preferable to stay in a locked room.
Tagore was strongly involved in protest against the Raj on a number of occasions, most notably in the movement to resist the 1905 British proposal to split in two the province of Bengal, a plan that was eventually withdrawn following popular resistance. He was forthright in denouncing the brutality of British rule in India, never more so than after the Amritsar massacre of April 13, 1919, when 379 unarmed people at a peaceful meeting were gunned down by the army, and two thousand more were wounded. Between April 23 and 26, Rabindranath wrote five agitated letters to C.F. Andrews, who himself was extremely disturbed, especially after he was told by a British civil servant in India that thanks to this show of strength, the "moral prestige" of the Raj had "never been higher."
A month after the massacre, Tagore wrote to the Viceroy of India, asking to be relieved of the knighthood he had accepted four years earlier:
The disproportionate severity of the punishments inflicted upon the unfortunate people and the methods of carrying them out, we are convinced, are without parallel in the history of civilized governments, barring some conspicuous exceptions, recent and remote. Considering that such treatment has been meted out to a population, disarmed and resourceless, by a power which has the most terribly efficient organisation for destruction of human lives, we must strongly assert that it can claim no political expediency, far less moral justification.... The universal agony of indignation roused in the hearts of our people has been ignored by our rulers - possibly congratulating themselves for imparting what they imagine as salutary lessons…. I for my part want to stand, shorn of all special distinctions, by the side of those of my countrymen who for their so-called insignificance are liable to suffer a degradation not fit for human beings.
Both Gandhi and Nehru expressed their appreciation of the important part Tagore took in the national struggle. It is fitting that after independence, India chose a song of Tagore ("Jana Gana Mana Adhinayaka," which can be roughly translated as "the leader of people's minds") as its national anthem. Since Bangladesh would later choose another song of Tagore ("Amar Sonar Bangla") as its national anthem, he may be the only one ever to have authored the national anthems of two different countries.
Tagore's criticism of the British administration of India was consistently strong and grew more intense over the years. This point is often missed, since he made a special effort to dissociate his criticism of the Raj from any denigration of British—or Western—people and culture. Mahatma Gandhi's well-known quip in reply to a question, asked in England, on what he thought of Western civilization ("It would be a good idea") could not have come from Tagore's lips. He would understand the provocations to which Gandhi was responding - involving cultural conceit as well as imperial tyranny. D.H. Lawrence supplied a fine example of the former: "I become more and more surprised to see how far higher, in reality, our European civilization stands than the East, Indian and Persian, ever dreamed of…. This fraud of looking up to them—this wretched worship-of-Tagore attitude is disgusting." But, unlike Gandhi, Tagore could not, even in jest, be dismissive of Western civilization.
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| Forthright in denouncing the brutality of British rule in India. Portrait by W. Rothenstein |
Even in his powerful indictment of British rule in India in 1941, in a lecture which he gave on his last birthday, and which was later published as a pamphlet under the title Crisis in Civilization, he strains hard to maintain the distinction between opposing Western imperialism and rejecting Western civilization. While he saw India as having been "smothered under the dead weight of British administration" (adding "another great and ancient civilization for whose recent tragic history the British cannot disclaim responsibility is China"), Tagore recalls what India has gained from "discussions centred upon Shakespeare's drama and Byron's poetry and above all…the large-hearted liberalism of nineteenth-century English politics." The tragedy, as Tagore saw it, came from the fact that what "was truly best in their own civilization, the upholding of dignity of human relationships, has no place in the British administration of this country." "If in its place they have established, baton in hand, a reign of 'law and order,' or in other words a policeman's rule, such a mockery of civilization can claim no respect from us."
Critique of Patriotism
Rabindranath rebelled against the strongly nationalist form that the independence movement often took, and this made him refrain from taking a particularly active part in contemporary politics. He wanted to assert India's right to be independent without denying the importance of what India could learn—freely and profitably—from abroad. He was afraid that a rejection of the West in favor of an indigenous Indian tradition was not only limiting in itself; it could easily turn into hostility to other influences from abroad, including Christianity, which came to parts of India by the fourth century; Judaism, which came through Jewish immigration shortly after the fall of Jerusalem, as did Zoroastrianism through Parsi immigration later on (mainly in the eighth century), and, of course—and most importantly—Islam, which has had a very strong presence in India since the tenth century.
Tagore's criticism of patriotism is a persistent theme in his writings. As early as 1908, he put his position succinctly in a letter replying to the criticism of Abala Bose, the wife of a great Indian scientist, Jagadish Chandra Bose: "Patriotism cannot be our final spiritual shelter; my refuge is humanity. I will not buy glass for the price of diamonds, and I will never allow patriotism to triumph over humanity as long as I live." His novel Ghare Baire (The Home and the World) has much to say about this theme. In the novel, Nikhil, who is keen on social reform, including women's liberation, but cool toward nationalism, gradually loses the esteem of his spirited wife, Bimala, because of his failure to be enthusiastic about anti-British agitations, which she sees as a lack of patriotic commitment. Bimala becomes fascinated with Nikhil's nationalist friend Sandip, who speaks brilliantly and acts with patriotic militancy, and she falls in love with him. Nikhil refuses to change his views: "I am willing to serve my country; but my worship I reserve for Right which is far greater than my country. To worship my country as a god is to bring a curse upon it."22
As the story unfolds, Sandip becomes angry with some of his countrymen for their failure to join the struggle as readily as he thinks they should ("Some Mohamedan traders are still obdurate"). He arranges to deal with the recalcitrants by burning their meager trading stocks and physically attacking them. Bimala has to acknowledge the connection between Sandip's rousing nationalistic sentiments and his sectarian - and ultimately violent-actions. The dramatic events that follow (Nikhil attempts to help the victims, risking his life) include the end of Bimala's political romance.
This is a difficult subject, and Satyajit Ray's beautiful film of The Home and the World brilliantly brings out the novel's tensions, along with the human affections and disaffections of the story. Not surprisingly, the story has had many detractors, not just among dedicated nationalists in India. Georg Lukács found Tagore's novel to be "a petit bourgeois yarn of the shoddiest kind," "at the intellectual service of the British police," and "a contemptible caricature of Gandhi." It would, of course, be absurd to think of Sandip as Gandhi, but the novel gives a "strong and gentle" warning, as Bertolt Brecht noted in his diary, of the corruptibility of nationalism, since it is not even-handed. Hatred of one group can lead to hatred of others, no matter how far such feeling may be from the minds of large-hearted nationalist leaders like Mahatma Gandhi.
Admiration and Criticism of Japan
Tagore's reaction to nationalism in Japan is particularly telling. As in the case of India, he saw the need to build the self-confidence of a defeated and humiliated people, of people left behind by developments elsewhere, as was the case in Japan before its emergence during the nineteenth century. At the beginning of one of his lectures in Japan in 1916 ("Nationalism in Japan"), he observed that "the worst form of bondage is the bondage of dejection, which keeps men hopelessly chained in loss of faith in themselves." Tagore shared the admiration for Japan widespread in Asia for demonstrating the ability of an Asian nation to rival the West in industrial development and economic progress. He noted with great satisfaction that Japan had "in giant strides left centuries of inaction behind, overtaking the present time in its foremost achievement." For other nations outside the West, he said, Japan "has broken the spell under which we lay in torpor for ages, taking it to be the normal condition of certain races living in certain geographical limits."
But then Tagore went on to criticize the rise of a strong nationalism in Japan, and its emergence as an imperialist nation. Tagore's outspoken criticisms did not please Japanese audiences and, as E.P. Thompson wrote, "the welcome given to him on his first arrival soon cooled."23 Twenty-two years later, in 1937, during the Japanese war on China, Tagore received a letter from Rash Behari Bose, an anti-British Indian revolutionary then living in Japan, who sought Tagore's approval for his efforts there on behalf of Indian independence, in which he had the support of the Japanese government. Tagore replied:
Your cable has caused me many restless hours, for it hurts me very much to have to ignore your appeal. I wish you had asked for my cooperation in a cause against which my spirit did not protest. I know, in making this appeal, you counted on my great regard for the Japanese for I, along with the rest of Asia, did once admire and look up to Japan and did once fondly hope that in Japan Asia had at last discovered its challenge to the West, that Japan's new strength would be consecrated in safeguarding the culture of the East against alien interests. But Japan has not taken long to betray that rising hope and repudiate all that seemed significant in her wonderful, and, to us symbolic, awakening, and has now become itself a worse menace to the defenceless peoples of the East.
How to view Japan's position in the Second World War was a divisive issue in India. After the war, when Japanese political leaders were tried for war crimes, the sole dissenting voice among the judges came from the Indian judge, Radhabinod Pal, a distinguished jurist. Pal dissented on various grounds, among them that no fair trial was possible in view of the asymmetry of power between the victor and the defeated. Ambivalent feelings in India toward the Japanese military aggression, given the unacceptable nature of British imperialism, possibly had a part in predisposing Pal to consider a perspective different from that of the other judges.
More tellingly, Subhas Chandra Bose (no relation of Rash Behari Bose), a leading nationalist, made his way to Japan during the war via Italy and Germany after escaping from a British prison; he helped the Japanese to form units of Indian soldiers, who had earlier surrendered to the advancing Japanese army, to fight on the Japanese side as the "Indian National Army." Rabindranath had formerly entertained great admiration for Subhas Bose as a dedicated nonsectarian fighter for Indian independence.24 But their ways would have parted when Bose's political activities took this turn, although Tagore was dead by the time Bose reached Japan.
Tagore saw Japanese militarism as illustrating the way nationalism can mislead even a nation of great achievement and promise. In 1938 Yone Noguchi, the distinguished poet and friend of Tagore (as well as of Yeats and Pound), wrote to Tagore, pleading with him to change his mind about Japan. Rabindranath's reply, written on September 12, 1938, was altogether uncompromising:
It seems to me that it is futile for either of us to try to convince the other, since your faith in the infallible right of Japan to bully other Asiatic nations into line with your Government's policy is not shared by me…. Believe me, it is sorrow and shame, not anger, that prompt me to write to you. I suffer intensely not only because the reports of Chinese suffering batter against my heart, but because I can no longer point out with pride the example of a great Japan.
He would have been much happier with the postwar emergence of Japan as a peaceful power. Then, too, since he was not free of egotism, he would also have been pleased by the attention paid to his ideas by the novelist Yasunari Kawabata and others.25
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| Yasunari Kawabata The Bonnier Archives |
International Concerns
Tagore was not invariably well-informed about international politics. He allowed himself to be entertained by Mussolini in a short visit to Italy in May-June 1926, a visit arranged by Carlo Formichi, professor of Sanskrit at the University of Rome. When he asked to meet Benedetto Croce, Formichi said, "Impossible! Impossible!" Mussolini told him that Croce was "not in Rome." When Tagore said he would go "wherever he is," Mussolini assured him that Croce's whereabouts were unknown.
Such incidents, as well as warnings from Romain Rolland and other friends, should have ended Tagore's flirtation with Mussolini more quickly than it did. But only after he received graphic accounts of the brutality of Italian fascism from two exiles, Gaetano Salvemini and Gaetano Salvadori, and learned more of what was happening in Italy, did he publicly denounce the regime, publishing a letter to the Manchester Guardian in August. The next month, Popolo d'Italia, the magazine edited by Benito Mussolini's brother, replied: "Who cares? Italy laughs at Tagore and those who brought this unctuous and insupportable fellow in our midst."
With his high expectations of Britain, Tagore continued to be surprised by what he took to be a lack of official sympathy for international victims of aggression. He returned to this theme in the lecture he gave on his last birthday, in 1941:
While Japan was quietly devouring North China, her act of wanton aggression was ignored as a minor incident by the veterans of British diplomacy. We have also witnessed from this distance how actively the British statesmen acquiesced in the destruction of the Spanish Republic.
But distinguishing between the British government and the British people, Rabindranath went on to note "with admiration how a band of valiant Englishmen laid down their lives for Spain."
Tagore's view of the Soviet Union has been a subject of much discussion. He was widely read in Russia. In 1917 several Russian translations of Gitanjali (one edited by Ivan Bunin, later the first Russian Nobel Laureate in Literature) were available, and by the late 1920s many of the English versions of his work had been rendered into Russian by several distinguished translators. Russian versions of his work continued to appear: Boris Pasternak translated him in the 1950s and 1960s.
When Tagore visited Russia in 1930, he was much impressed by its development efforts and by what he saw as a real commitment to eliminate poverty and economic inequality. But what impressed him most was the expansion of basic education across the old Russian empire. In Letters from Russia, written in Bengali and published in 1931, he unfavorably compares the acceptance of widespread illiteracy in India by the British administration with Russian efforts to expand education:
In stepping on the soil of Russia, the first thing that caught my eye was that in education, at any rate, the peasant and the working classes have made such enormous progress in these few years that nothing comparable has happened even to our highest classes in the course of the last hundred and fifty years…. The people here are not at all afraid of giving complete education even to Turcomans of distant Asia; on the contrary, they are utterly in earnest about it. 26
When parts of the book were translated into English in 1934, the under-secretary for India stated in Parliament that it was "calculated by distortion of the facts to bring the British Administration in India into contempt and disrepute," and the book was then promptly banned. The English version would not be published until after independence.
Education and Freedom
The British Indian administrators were not, however, alone in trying to suppress Tagore's reflections on Russia. They were joined by Soviet officials. In an interview with Izvestia in 1930, Tagore sharply criticized the lack of freedom that he observed in Russia:
I must ask you: Are you doing your ideal a service by arousing in the minds of those under your training anger, class-hatred, and revengefulness against those whom you consider to be your enemies?… Freedom of mind is needed for the reception of truth; terror hopelessly kills it…. For the sake of humanity I hope you may never create a vicious force of violence, which will go on weaving an interminable chain of violence and cruelty…. You have tried to destroy many of the other evils of [the czarist] period. Why not try to destroy this one also?
The interview was not published in Izvestia until 1988—nearly sixty years later.27 Tagore's reaction to the Russia of 1930 arose from two of his strongest commitments: his uncompromising belief in the importance of "freedom of mind" (the source of his criticism of the Soviet Union), and his conviction that the expansion of basic education is central to social progress (the source of his praise, particularly in contrast to British-run India). He identified the lack of basic education as the fundamental cause of many of India's social and economic afflictions:
In my view the imposing tower of misery which today rests on the heart of India has its sole foundation in the absence of education. Caste divisions, religious conflicts, aversion to work, precarious economic conditions - all centre on this single factor.
It was on education (and on the reflection, dialogue, and communication that are associated with it), rather than on, say, spinning "as a sacrifice" ("the charka does not require anyone to think"), that the future of India would depend.
Tagore was concerned not only that there be wider opportunities for education across the country (especially in rural areas where schools were few), but also that the schools themselves be more lively and enjoyable. He himself had dropped out of school early, largely out of boredom, and had never bothered to earn a diploma. He wrote extensively on how schools should be made more attractive to boys and girls and thus more productive. His own co-educational school at Santiniketan had many progressive features. The emphasis here was on self-motivation rather than on discipline, and on fostering intellectual curiosity rather than competitive excellence.
Much of Rabindranath's life was spent in developing the school at Santiniketan. The school never had much money, since the fees were very low. His lecture honoraria, "$700 a scold," went to support it, as well as most of his Nobel Prize money. The school received no support from the government, but did get help from private citizens—even Mahatma Gandhi raised money for it.
The dispute with Mahatma Gandhi on the Bihar earthquake touched on a subject that was very important to Tagore: the need for education in science as well as in literature and the humanities. At Santiniketan, there were strong "local" elements in its emphasis on Indian traditions, including the classics, and in the use of Bengali rather than English as the language of instruction. At the same time there were courses on a great variety of cultures, and study programs devoted to China, Japan, and the Middle East. Many foreigners came to Santiniketan to study or teach, and the fusion of studies seemed to work.
I am partial to seeing Tagore as an educator, having myself been educated at Santiniketan. The school was unusual in many different ways, such as the oddity that classes, excepting those requiring a laboratory, were held outdoors (whenever the weather permitted). No matter what we thought of Rabindranath's belief that one gains from being in a natural setting while learning (some of us argued about this theory), we typically found the experience of outdoor schooling extremely attractive and pleasant. Academically, our school was not particularly exacting (often we did not have any examinations at all), and it could not, by the usual academic standards, compete with some of the better schools in Calcutta. But there was something remarkable about the ease with which class discussions could move from Indian traditional literature to contemporary as well as classical Western thought, and then to the culture of China or Japan or elsewhere. The school's celebration of variety was also in sharp contrast with the cultural conservatism and separatism that has tended to grip India from time to time.
The cultural give and take of Tagore's vision of the contemporary world has close parallels with the vision of Satyajit Ray, also an alumnus of Santiniketan who made several films based on Tagore's stories.28 Ray's words about Santiniketan in 1991 would have greatly pleased Rabindranath:
I consider the three years I spent in Santiniketan as the most fruitful of my life…. Santiniketan opened my eyes for the first time to the splendours of Indian and Far Eastern art. Until then I was completely under the sway of Western art, music and literature. Santiniketan made me the combined product of East and West that I am.29
India Today
At the fiftieth anniversary of Indian independence, the reckoning of what India had or had not achieved in this half century was a subject of considerable interest: "What has been the story of those first fifty years?" (as Shashi Tharoor asked in his balanced, informative, and highly readable account of India: From Midnight to the Millennium).30 If Tagore were to see the India of today, more than half a century after independence, nothing perhaps would shock him so much as the continued illiteracy of the masses. He would see this as a total betrayal of what the nationalist leaders had promised during the struggle for independence—a promise that had figured even in Nehru's rousing speech on the eve of independence in August 1947 (on India's "tryst with destiny").
In view of his interest in childhood education, Tagore would not be consoled by the extraordinary expansion of university education, in which India sends to its universities six times as many people per unit of population as does China. Rather, he would be stunned that, in contrast to East and Southeast Asia, including China, half the adult population and two thirds of Indian women remain unable to read or write. Statistically reliable surveys indicate that even in the late 1980s, nearly half of the rural girls between the ages of twelve and fourteen did not attend any school for a single day of their lives.31
This state of affairs is the result of the continuation of British imperial neglect of mass education, which has been reinforced by India's traditional elitism, as well as upper-class-dominated contemporary politics (except in parts of India such as Kerala, where anti-upper-caste movements have tended to concentrate on education as a great leveller). Tagore would see illiteracy and the neglect of education not only as the main source of India's continued social backwardness, but also as a great constraint that restricts the possibility and reach of economic development in India (as his writings on rural development forcefully make clear). Tagore would also have strongly felt the need for a greater commitment—and a greater sense of urgency—in removing endemic poverty.
At the same time, Tagore would undoubtedly find some satisfaction in the survival of democracy in India, in its relatively free press, and in general from the "freedom of mind" that post-independence Indian politics has, on the whole, managed to maintain. He would also be pleased by the fact noted by the historian E.P. Thompson (whose father Edward Thompson had written one of the first major biographies of Tagore:32
All the convergent influences of the world run through this society: Hindu, Moslem, Christian, secular; Stalinist, liberal, Maoist, democratic socialist, Gandhian. There is not a thought that is being thought in the West or East that is not active in some Indian mind.33
Tagore would have been happy also to see that the one governmental attempt to dispense generally with basic liberties and political and civil rights in India, in the 1970s, when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (ironically, herself a former student at Santiniketan) declared an "emergency," was overwhelmingly rejected by the Indian voters, leading to the precipitate fall of her government.
Rabindranath would also see that the changes in policy that have eliminated famine since independence had much to do with the freedom to be heard in a democratic India. In Tagore's play Raja O Rani ("The King and the Queen"), the sympathetic Queen eventually rebels against the callousness of state policy toward the hungry. She begins by inquiring about the ugly sounds outside the palace, only to be told that the noise is coming from "the coarse, clamorous crowd who howl unashamedly for food and disturb the sweet peace of the palace." The Viceregal office in India could have taken a similarly callous view of Indian famines, right up to the easily preventable Bengal famine of 1943, just before independence, which killed between two and three million people. But a government in a multi-party democracy, with elections and free newspapers, cannot any longer dismiss the noise from "the coarse, clamorous crowd."34
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| Fearless reasoning in freedom. A collage of portraits done by W. Rothenstein |
Unlike Gandhi, Rabindranath would not resent the development of modern industries in India, or the acceleration of technical progress, since he did not want India to be shackled to the turning of "the wheel of an antiquated invention." Tagore was concerned that people not be dominated by machines, but he was not opposed to making good use of modern technology. "The mastery over the machine," he wrote in Crisis in Civilization, "by which the British have consolidated their sovereignty over their vast empire, has been kept a sealed book, to which due access has been denied to this helpless country." Rabindranath had a deep interest in the environment - he was particularly concerned about deforestation and initiated a "festival of tree-planting" (vriksha-ropana) as early as 1928. He would want increased private and government commitments to environmentalism; but he would not derive from this position a general case against modern industry and technology.
On Cultural Separation
Rabindranath would be shocked by the growth of cultural separatism in India, as elsewhere. The "openness" that he valued so much is certainly under great strain right now - in many countries. Religious fundamentalism still has a relatively small following in India; but various factions seem to be doing their best to increase their numbers. Certainly religious sectarianism has had much success in some parts of India (particularly in the west and the north). Tagore would see the expansion of religious sectarianism as being closely associated with an artificially separatist view of culture.
He would have strongly resisted defining India in specifically Hindu terms, rather than as a "confluence" of many cultures. Even after the partition of 1947, India is still the third- largest Muslim country in the world, with more Muslims than in Bangladesh, and nearly as many as in Pakistan. Only Indonesia has substantially more followers of Islam. Indeed, by pointing to the immense heterogeneousness of India's cultural background and its richly diverse history, Tagore had argued that the "idea of India" itself militated against a culturally separatist view—"against the intense consciousness of the separateness of one's own people from others."
Tagore would also oppose the cultural nationalism that has recently been gaining some ground in India, along with an exaggerated fear of the influence of the West. He was uncompromising in his belief that human beings could absorb quite different cultures in constructive ways:
Whatever we understand and enjoy in human products instantly becomes ours, wherever they might have their origin. I am proud of my humanity when I can acknowledge the poets and artists of other countries as my own. Let me feel with unalloyed gladness that all the great glories of man are mine. Therefore it hurts me deeply when the cry of rejection rings loud against the West in my country with the clamour that Western education can only injure us.
In this context, it is important to emphasize that Rabindranath was not short of pride in India's own heritage, and often spoke about it. He lectured at Oxford, with evident satisfaction, on the importance of India's religious ideas—quoting both from ancient texts and from popular poetry (such as the verses of the sixteenth-century Muslim poet Kabir). In 1940, when he was given an honorary doctorate by Oxford University, in a ceremony arranged at his own educational establishment in Santiniketan ("In Gangem Defluit Isis," Oxford helpfully explained), to the predictable "volley of Latin" Tagore responded "by a volley of Sanskrit," as Marjorie Sykes, a Quaker friend of Rabindranath, reports. Her cheerful summary of the match, "India held its own," was not out of line with Tagore's pride in Indian culture. His welcoming attitude to Western civilization was reinforced by this confidence: he did not see India's culture as fragile and in need of "protection" from Western influence.
In India, he wrote, "circumstances almost compel us to learn English, and this lucky accident has given us the opportunity of access into the richest of all poetical literatures of the world." There seems to me much force in Rabindranath's argument for clearly distinguishing between the injustice of a serious asymmetry of power (colonialism being a prime example of this) and the importance nevertheless of appraising Western culture in an open-minded way, in colonial and postcolonial territories, in order to see what uses could be made of it.
Rabindranath insisted on open debate on every issue, and distrusted conclusions based on a mechanical formula, no matter how attractive that formula might seem in isolation (such as "This was forced on us by our colonial masters - we must reject it," "This is our tradition—we must follow it," "We have promised to do this—we must fulfill that promise," and so on). The question he persistently asks is whether we have reason enough to want what is being proposed, taking everything into account. Important as history is, reasoning has to go beyond the past. It is in the sovereignty of reasoning—fearless reasoning in freedom—that we can find Rabindranath Tagore's lasting voice.35
1 Rabindranath Tagore, The Religion of Man (London: Unwin, 1931, 2nd edition, 1961), p. 105. The extensive interactions between Hindu and Muslim parts of Indian culture (in religious beliefs, civic codes, painting, sculpture, literature, music, and astronomy) have been discussed by Kshiti Mohan Sen in Bharate Hindu Mushalmaner Jukto Sadhana (in Bengali) (Calcutta: Visva-Bharati, 1949, extended edition, 1990) and Hinduism (Penguin, 1960).
2 Rabindranath's father Debendranath had in fact, joined the reformist religious group, the Brahmo Samaj, which rejected many contemporary Hindu practices as aberrations from the ancient Hindu texts.
3 Selected Letters of Rabindranath Tagore, edited by Krishna Dutta and Andrew Robinson (Cambridge University Press, 1997). This essay draws on my Foreword to this collection. For important background material on Rabindranath Tagore and his reception in the West, see also the editors' Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad-Minded Man (St. Martin's Press, 1995), and Rabindranath Tagore: An Anthology (Picador, 1997).
4 See Romain Rolland and Gandhi Correspondence, with a Foreword by Jawaharlal Nehru (New Delhi: Government of India, 1976), pp.12-13.
5The Elmhirsts of Dartington: The Creation of an Utopian Community (Routledge, 1982).
6 I have tried to analyze these "exotic" approaches to India (along with other Western approaches) in "India and the West," The New Republic, June 7, 1993, and in "Indian Traditions and the Western Imagination," Daedalus, Spring 1997.
7 Yasunari Kawabata, The Existence and Discovery of Beauty, translated by V.H. Viglielmo (Tokyo: The Mainichi Newspapers, 1969), pp. 56-57.
8 W.B. Yeats, "Introduction," in Rabindranath Tagore, Gitanjali (London: Macmillan, 1913).
9 Tagore himself vacillated over the years about the merits of his own translations. He told his friend Sir William Rothenstein, the artist: "I am sure you remember with what reluctant hesitation I gave up to your hand my manuscript of Gitanjali, feeling sure that my English was of that amorphous kind for whose syntax a school-boy could be reprimanded." These—and related—issues are discussed by Nabaneeta Dev Sen, "The 'Foreign Reincarnation' of Rabindranath Tagore," Journal of Asian Studies, 25 (1966), reprinted, along with other relevant papers, in her Counterpoints: Essays in Comparative Literature (Calcutta: Prajna, 1985).
10 The importance of ambiguity and incomplete description in Tagore's poetry provides some insight into the striking thesis of William Radice (one of the major English translators of Tagore) that "his blend of poetry and prose is all the more truthful for being incomplete" ("Introduction" to his Rabindranath Tagore: Selected Short Stories, Penguin, 1991, p. 28).
11 Satyajit Ray, the film director, has argued that even in Tagore's paintings, "the mood evoked…is one of a joyous freedom" (Ray, "Foreword," in Andrew Robinson, The Art of Rabindranath Tagore, London: André Deutsch, 1989).
12 Reported in Amita Sen, Anando Sharbokaje (in Bengali) (Calcutta: Tagore Research Institute, 2nd edition, 1996), p. 132.
13 B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi (Oxford University Press, 1958; paperback, 1989), p. 149.
14 The economic issues are discussed in my Choice of Techniques (Blackwell, 1960), Appendix D.
15 Mohandas Gandhi, quoted by Krishna Kripalani, Tagore: A Life (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1961, 2nd edition, 1971), pp. 171-172.
16 For fuller accounts of the events, see Dutta and Robinson, Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad-Minded Man, Chapter 25, and Ketaki Kushari Dyson, In Your Blossoming Flower-Garden: Rabindranath Tagore and Victoria Ocampo (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1988).
17 Published in English translation in Rabindranath Tagore: A Centenary Volume, 1861-1961 (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1961), with an Introduction by Jawaharlal Nehru.
18 English translation from Krishna Kripalani, Tagore: A Life, p. 185.
19 "Einstein and Tagore Plumb the Truth," The New York Times Magazine, August 10, 1930; republished in Dutta and Robinson, Selected Letters of Rabindranath Tagore.
20 Hilary Putnam, The Many Faces of Realism (Open Court, 1987). On related issues, see also Thomas Nagel, The View from Nowhere (Oxford University Press, 1986).
21 Isaiah Berlin, "Rabindranath Tagore and the Consciousness of Nationality," The Sense of Reality: Studies in Ideas and Their History (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1997), p. 265.
22 Martha Nussbaum initiates her wide-ranging critique of patriotism (in a debate that is joined by many others) by quoting this passage from The Home and the World (in Martha C. Nussbaum et al., For Love of Country, edited by Joshua Cohen, Beacon Press, 1996, pp. 3-4).
23 E.P. Thompson, Introduction, to Tagore's Nationalism (London, Macmillan, 1991), p. 10.
24 For a lucid and informative analysis of the role of Subhas Chandra Bose and his brother Sarat in Indian politics, see Leonard A. Gordon, Brothers against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose (Columbia University Press, 1990).
25 Kawabata made considerable use of Tagore's ideas, and even built on Tagore's thesis that it "is easier for a stranger to know what it is in [Japan] which is truly valuable for all mankind" (The Existence and Discovery of Beauty, pp. 55-58).
26 Tagore, Letters from Russia, translated from Bengali by Sasadhar Sinha (Calcutta: Visva-Bharati, 1960), p. 108.
27 It was, however, published in the Manchester Guardian shortly after it was meant to be published in the Izvestia. On this, see: Dutta and Robinson, Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad-Minded Man, p. 297.
28 Satyajit Ray, Our Films, Their Films (Calcutta: Disha Book/Orient Longman, third edition, 1993). I have tried to discuss these issues in my Satyajit Ray Memorial Lecture, "Our Culture, Their Culture," The New Republic, April 1, 1996.
29 The Guardian, August 1, 1991.
30 Arcade Publishing, 1997, p. 1.
31 On this and related issues, see Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen, India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity (Clarendon Press/Oxford University Press, 1996), particularly Chapter 6, and also Drèze and Sen, editors, Indian Development: Selected Regional Perspectives (Clarendon Press/Oxford University Press, 1996).
32 Edward Thompson, Rabindranath Tagore: Poet and Dramatist (Oxford University Press, 1926).
33 Quoted in Shashi Tharoor, India, p. 9.
34 I have tried to discuss the linkage between democracy, political incentives, and prevention of disasters in Resources, Values and Development (Harvard University Press, 1984, reprinted 1997), Chapter 19, and in my presidential address to the American Economic Association, "Rationality and Social Choice," American Economic Review, 85 (1995).
35 For helpful discussions I am most grateful to Akeel Bilgrami, Sissela Bok (Harvard Professor; the daughter of Gunnar Myrdal, recipient of The Bank of Sweden Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel 1974, and Alva Myrdal, who was awarded The Nobel Peace Price in 1982), Sugata Bose, Supratik Bose, Krishna Dutta, Rounaq Jahan, Salim Jahan, Marufi Khan, Andrew Robinson, Nandana Sen, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, and Shashi Tharoor.
* With permission from The New York Review.
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Ashok Mitra on the CPI (M)
First read this on Bhupinder's blog A Reader's Words. This is an essay written by Ashok Mitra on the MR Zine, the online Zine by the Monthly Review, a great socialist magazine which I haven't been able to read that much as late because of my union work and school. But thank God for their nice little articles on their Zine. Ashok Mitra:
is a former Chairman of the Agricultural Prices Commission and Chief Economic Advisor of the Government of India. He was the first Finance Minister of the Left Front Government in West Bengal in 1977, and a former member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament. He has been a close friend to Monthly Review, from Paul Sweezy and Harry Magdoff to the present editorial committee. Ashok Mitra assisted in the creation of Monthly Review's sister edition in India, the Analytical Monthly Review. His heartfelt appeal to the central leadership of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) for a fundamental change of course is of the greatest significance.
In this essay Mitra is addressing his concerns to the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (or CPI (M), or, more common CPM) over the Nandigram dispute. Nandigram is a rural area in Western Bengal and Western Bengal is a province that the CPM has control over. Recently the CPM government of Western Bengal decided to allow and Indonesian chemical company to set up a chemical hub in Nandigram. The villagers obviously revolted to such a dangerous operation taking place in their backyard and this lead to a clash between the villagers and the CPM government. According to Wikipedia:
The administration was directed to break the BUPC's resistance at Nandigram and a massive operation with at least 3,000 policemen was launched on March 14, 2007. A group of armed and trained CPI(M) cadres wore police uniforms and joined the forces. However, prior information of the impending action had leaked out to the BUPC who amassed a crowd of roughly 2,000 villagers at the entry points into Nandigram with women and children forming the front ranks. In the resulting mayhem, at least 14 people were killed.
Journalists were also kept at bay by armed CPM cadres and were not allowed to see nor document the extent of the massacre at that time.
One excerpt which sums up his concerns is:
http://themustardseed.wordpress.com/2007/11/21/ashok-mitra-on-the-cpi-m/One can borrow S.D. Burman's songto describe what the CPI(M) was in the state a few decades ago: "You are not what you were." Ninety per cent of the party members have joined after 1977, 70 per cent after 1991. They do not know the history of sacrifices of the party. To them ideological commitment to revolution and socialism is simply a fading folktale. As the new ideology is development, many of them associated with the party are in the search for personal development. They have come to take, not to give. One efficient way to bag privileges is to flatter the masters. The party has turned into a wide open field of flatterers and court jesters. Moreover, there has been a rising dominance of 'anti-socials'. For different reasons, every political party has to lend patronage to 'anti-socials', they remain in the background and are called into duty at urgent times. In the 1970s, these anti-socials had reached the top rung of the state Congress. I fear the same fate is awaiting the communist party.
THE OTHER WAIVER -- Ashok Mitra
Ashok Mitra
Affluent groups are silently excused from repaying bank loans
Remembrance can be a an awesome burden. Were memories to keep piling on other memories, that old curiosity shop, otherwise known as the mind, would get helplessly cluttered up. To sort out the still useful from the heap of rubbish would then be altogether impossible. The mind however is smart enough; it sets to work and does its own weeding. It trains itself to forget things that are worth forgetting, for example, names of authors who wrote yesterday's bestsellers.
There is nothing startling therefore in the fact that nobody talks any more about an episode that took place barely a decade ago. Attention is riveted on the most eye-catching item in this year's Union budget. Santa Claus in the form of the finance minister has worked overtime; he has written off, at one go, borrowings by small and marginal farmers from financial institutions; the munificence adds up to Rs 60,000 crore. Even though some six weeks have passed since the presentation of the budget, gossip concerning the motives behind the announcement of the freebie refuses to die down. The wise ones are almost unanimous in their conclusion: aye, aye, the whopping debt relief, without precedent in contemporary history, is a sure sign that the polls are a-coming.
The wise ones cannot be faulted for reaching the surmise they reached. A loan waiver, particularly a loan waiver for the poor, goes against the grain of liberal economic philosophy. An expression of sympathy for the social underdog may be all right as a general principle, but must it assume a form which dilutes the distinction between efficiency and inefficiency and purposely discriminates in favour of life's failure? The peasantry who are in distress are, after all, those who could not succeed in the competitive market.
No need to cross swords with precious neo-liberal theory; a misconception still deserves correction. The record should be put straight. The loan waiver to the extent of Rs 60,000 crore is not such a big deal. It is possible to dig out of the junkyard of memory the account of another loan waiver, even though it has not been till this day, for understandable reasons, described as such, at least officially.
The story goes back to 1996. A report prepared, for internal use, by the research staff of the Reserve Bank of India came up with a noteworthy revelation: unrecovered bank loans, where the quantum of each individual loan is Rs 1 crore or more, aggregated to a figure exceeded Rs 100,000 crore. At about the time this report was being put together, quite a few of the country's scheduled commercial banks were under heavy fire allegedly because of their inability to register adequate profits. Their balance sheets were in the red; each of them was tarred with the infamy of carrying an unconscionable load of non-paying assets. The disappointing performance of these banks was undoubtedly due to the poor record of the recovery of loans of the size of Rs 1 crore or more.
The parties incurring these loans, either on behalf of companies they owned or controlled or on their personal accounts, were not non-entities. Several of them were leading figures in industry or trade; there was no question of their being short of funds. They did not pay back the money they had borrowed from the banks because they simply did not care to pay it back. They had economic clout, which spelled political clout too. Because they had clout, they could dare not to pay what they owed to the banks. Even if they defaulted — and wilfully defaulted — the banks, they felt confident enough, would not dare to initiate action against them. They were right. Advice must have been sought by the banks from quarters that mattered. Signals from these quarters were promptly received: the powerful people who had borrowed and failed to repay what they had borrowed must not be disturbed, they should be treated with courtesy; if they do not bother to settle their accounts, well, just grin and bear it.
Mind you, banks in any event do not act in a huff. If repayments on a loan turn irregular, the banks keep watch, patiently, for some time. If the state of the borrowal account continues to be unsatisfactory for a stretch of, say, three to four years, it is then designated as 'sticky'. And it takes maybe as much as another half a dozen years before a 'sticky' account is finally given up as a lost cause and declared to be a bad debt.
So, when the RBI researchers went to work on their report of unrecovered big-sized bank loans, the loan accounts concerned must have been at least a decade old. The defaulters were, as already mentioned, constituents of the social and economic elite. They were solvent parties and had ample funds at their disposal to meet their obligations. They however refused to clear their bank dues. In consequence, some of the banks went into the red; some others piled up NPAs of a magnitude which constituted an inordinately high proportion of their profits. The sword of Damocles in the form of the Basel Convention goaded them to take measures which could, by some means or other, boost their gross profits, thereby bringing down the NPA-profits ratio to a satisfactory level. The easiest way out was to retrench thousands of junior-grade bank employees, resulting in considerable social agony. At the end of it though, thank goodness, the gods of Basel were propitiated, the banks were restored to health and once again ready to offer fresh loans to the affluent sections.
That internal report of the RBI was of no avail. Not even one little finger was raised by the authorities to coax cushy borrowers to behave. If one were to add the interest accumulation over the past dozen years, the banks at this moment are entitled to demand from the big-shot defaulters a sum well exceeding Rs 200,000 crore. So what, the decision was taken in the highest echelons to bury the matter. The comfortably placed defaulters happened to belong to the social class the authorities consider as both honourable and adorable. Quietly, quietly, without any formal announcement, a great debt waiver was rendered a reality.
The issue was raised and discussed in Parliament, only to be talked out. Various suggestions were offered by experts who regarded the whole thing to be a scandal of the first order. One such suggestion was that in case the defaulters were joint stock or corporate entities, they should be blacklisted and debarred from further accommodation from any banks in the country; in case they were individuals, they and their near relatives should be accorded the same treatment. The authorities know on which side their bread is buttered; the banks too know why discretion is the better part of valour. A number of banks are known to engage private musclemen, who are sent after generally god-fearing householders who have perchance missed repaying a couple of installments that were due. The banks, however, are well aware that the small fry abide the question, the tycoons are free.
Loan waivers for the poor make news. Not similar waivers for the rich. To refuse to meet their obligations is the birthright of wealthy people, nothing to write home about. And if, as a consequence of such non-payment by affluent groups, thousands of low-grade bank employees have to be sent packing, that too is nothing to write home about.
Article courtesy The Telegraph newspaper
Dr Binayak Sen, My Brother, Our Hero
Dipankar Sen Raipur/Delhi
The courtroom was hushed as the prisoner stood awaiting sentence. The judge donned his black skullcap as he deliberately passed the death sentence. That is the sweat drenched nightmare that I sometimes wake up to. The prisoner is no ordinary man: he is my brother, Dr Binayak Sen.
Recently, I went to visit him again in prison in Raipur in Chhattisgarh, just before his last court hearing. I saw him again in court. The courtroom itself was far from the courtrooms that we see in the movies. No pictures of a toothless smiling Gandhi or Subhas Chandra Bose hung from the wall behind the judge, a Sikh, Mr Balinder Singh Saluja. There were just two benches, one for the lawyers and the second for visitors. The dock, a 1.5m x 1.5m enclosure, was just enough space for the three standing prisoners while the lawyers argued their case. Binayak stood leaning against the railing of the dock.
The expression on his face and his body language did not betray any anxiety or distress of this unnecessary prison experience imposed on him through an intricate web of lies. There, standing within touching distance was my Dada, handsome, dignified, ever driven by the force of conviction, all of which showed up in the gentleness of his composure and the calmness in his eyes. I asked him how he was. "Without a purpose," was his reply. And that, I suspect, must have been one of his weaker moments, because he actually said something about himself. His reply would normally be, "I'm ok, don't worry about me. I am just fine. How is Ma? Tell her not to worry. And how are you?"
As the proceedings started, there was a witness in the dock on the other side of the room, closer to the judge. He was identifying the seizure list. The list was long, and the monotonous but hypnotic tapping sound of the typewriter caused my mind to float away. I looked at Dada and my mind drifted to the tune of "Where are the green fields," which he would whistle when we were kids in Pune in 1965. He had just passed his Senior Cambridge exams from Calcutta Boy's School with brilliant results and had every reason to be chirpy. He had a lot of friends and we would go out hiking, which meant a lot of walking through the wild grasslands then surrounding the camp area in Pune.
I was just a fat 11-year-old then and often had problems keeping up. Dada often had to carry me piggy back so that the tall grass would not cut me with the sharp blades. By the time he became a doctor, his care for the little brother had been replaced by constant concern for the health of poor Indians, the tribals, workers, the dispossessed or others that are in the process of joining their ranks.
Around May 9, 2007, I had called my mother in Kalyani, when I was told by my niece that they had learnt through journalists that their father was supposed to be arrested but was reported to be absconding. Binayak and his entire family were at Kalyani then, spending some of their holidays with my aged mother. My mind did not even register the urgency or the gravity of the situation. I just thought it was some stupid mistake that the police had made. After all, who could have anything against Dada...the poor man's doctor and helping hand? I had even nicknamed him Father Teresa, except that he liked Kingfisher beer.
I suddenly realised that I knew very little about The BINAYAK SEN. It had been a long time that we had gone our ways. But the prospect of arrest and prison for Dada were a long way off from anything that we as a family could have imagined.
The next day, and everyday after that, I called Kalyani, and realised that Dada's situation was much more serious than I had thought. That is when I started begging him to come to me, in Belgium. Run... do anything but don't go back to Chhattisgarh. He just said that he could not betray the trust of his patients, who would be waiting for him from the May 14, 2007. He insisted on leaving as scheduled, on May 13.
While sitting in an Italian restaurant in Paris on May 14, I heard of his arrest. His older daughter Pranhita first called to say that he was called to the police station in Bilaspur to give a statement, but that the police would not arrest him. About 15 minutes later she called again to say that he had indeed been arrested. It was around 12.45 in Paris that my life turned its page on political innocence. I suddenly grew up.
During the course of Dada's year in prison, I read about him in the press, both national and international. I found him on Wikipedia. I found his name on numerous internet sites. There were the admiring letters that he received in prison, and that must have helped to keep his sanity. Then came the recognition from the Indian Academy of Social Sciences, the Keithan Gold Medal, the Jonathan Mann award, the 21 Nobel Laureates writing to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the demonstrations in India and around the world.
But I began feeling guilty and embarrassed. Because of my long absence in Europe since the 1970s, I learnt about Dada's greatness, above all about his work, through the press and through the mail of his admirers from distant lands. I did not know about the hospital he helped build in Dalli Rajhara, his work in Ganyari near Bilaspur, the Mitanin project, the Right to Food campaign.
Nor had I heard of his work with the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), or of the dedicated band of people that worked with him. They included doctors, lawyers, journalists, filmmakers and the man on the street. His circle of supporters included doctors from all over the world, the most active among them being his own former teachers and class mates, as well as some who were not his contemporaries at Christian Medical College (CMC), Vellore, but had attended the same college. I learnt details about his career from his former teachers and colleagues at the Christian Medical College, which bestowed on him the Paul Harrison Award to recognise his work that exemplified their best ideals of a doctor.
There were two images of my brother - the more familiar one of a fun-loving man who liked good food, good music, and enjoyed horsing around with his family and his many good friends; and the other of a serious doctor with concerns - expressed even while he was a student -- about the health of poorer communities, and its roots in their social and economic deprivation. This is what his former teacher, Dr P Zachariah, wrote in a tribute to his student:
"Binayak is a very rare doctor - a man with a deep understanding of the social and political dimensions of health. The governments of the world, the World Bank and other organisations are now worrying about food security and alternative food policies; Binayak was decades ahead of them all."
None of this apparently moves the State, which refuses to budge from its position. If you ask someone in the government why Dada is in prison, the reply is standard: "He is a Maoist leader and sympathiser, and we have enough evidence against him."
So I asked the DGP of Chhattisgarh, so why is he not returning the computer seized from Dr Binayak Sen over a year ago, especially since forensic examination of the hard disc had failed to turn up any incriminating evidence. He said that the Forensic Institute in Hyderabad could not break into a code. When I reminded him that teenagers are hacking into banks and the Pentagon everyday, his reply was patently evasive.
I also reminded him that I had heard that not one of the police witnesses gave any credible witness/evidence against Binayak. He countered with the possibility of a supplementary chargesheet that was in preparation based on some 53 pages of telephone conversations with someone who is a known Maoist. Like an astrologer, he predicted that the lower court would probably convict him but the higher court would release him.
Now, how long the process would take is anybody's guess. Common sense tells me that it could be years.
Back in the courtroom, my mind suddenly woke up to the noise of some strong protests from defense lawyer Mahendra Dubey. He had just found that a letter had been planted by the police and had clearly stirred some excitement in court. The insistent tapping of the typewriter had stopped. The judge looked worried.
A letter to a senior Maoist party member which the police were claiming had been found among the documents seized from his apartment was printed on a plain sheet of computer paper, and did not even have his signature. Moreover, it did not appear in the list of seized documents that Dada and the police had co-signed at the time they were seized. It was indeed a plant. The old public prosecutor did not bother to look embarrassed, he simply denied any knowledge of it or how it got there.
I left the court dejected and heartbroken as he was driven away in the police van. An entire State was conspiring to subject upon my brother a life without a life... without a purpose, without any privacy, without any space of his own, denying him the very means of contributing to society in a way that even the State itself had acknowledged when it had implemented his ideas to start the Mitanin programme. They are imposing a punishment upon an innocent man in the full knowledge that they are doing wrong.
Now that we are convinced that his imprisonment is based on false and trumped up charges, we will want to know who would want to inflict such a fate on this man and above all why? Then we could have a possible basis and a clue to engage in a sensible dialogue with them to secure his release.
My Dada was one who, at a very early age, wondered why we could not invite the servants in our home to eat with us. At the age of five, he had the sensitivity to write:
I saw a bird in the morning sun
Flying high up in the sky,
A man shot it down with his gun
And I began to cry.
He does not deserve this fate. But for someone who has withstood more than a year-and-four months of prison, solitary confinement, harassment, humiliation but not shame, we have a simple message: Tum akele nahin ho Dada... My brother!
The writer is an options trader in the commodities market based in Antwerp, Belgium. The print version of this article will appear in the September edition of Hardnews magazine. The magazine will hit the stands on September 1, 2008 Courtesy: Hardnews magazine.
ENEMIES OF THE STATE — Women and men who choose the margins
Ashok Mitra, in his own inimitable prose, writes about people who stretched the boundaries of idealism: economist Krishna Bhardawaj, her daughter and activist Sudha and of course, Binayak Sen. He asks, If economists and mathematicians succeed in arriving at a common measure for accretions to national welfare on the basis of today and what would accrue in the future and are, at the same time, able to assign comparable weights to contribution by individual citizens, will not the contributions of Binayak and Sudha far outflank those by the rest of the crowd? Article courtesy, The Telegraph newspaper.
She was born Krishna Chandavarkar. Love for music ran in the family. She had, even as a tiny tot, a deep, rich, sonorous voice. Rigorous training undergone in the early teens strengthened its texture; it also helped her to negotiate effortlessly the hills and valleys the scales encompassed. The cadence of sensitivity was, however, her very own. Demand for her renditions was intense in the neighbourhood. Another Kishori Amonkar, many thought, was about to emerge. She disappointed them. The prowess of her will nudged her away from music to pursuits of the intellect. There was, in addition, an innate concern for social issues.
Ideology is not an inherited property, it is a gift of the environment one breathes in. In Krishna's case it was perhaps the influence of an uncle or a cousin coming home full of radical ideas after a term in prison. The stirrings were yet vague, but Krishna had already sorted out in her mind the dilemma of choices and decisions. She opted for economics; the intent was to use the knowledge acquired from this branch of study to advance the cause of the nation's under-privileged. Krishna turned out to be a star student in the Bombay School of Economics and Sociology and began her teaching career there. She married a fellow economist, Ranganath Bharadwaj, and the two of them decided to travel to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology for further research. The wife was indisputably more brilliant than the husband. This could have been a factor, or it could have been something else; they separated soon after their daughter, Sudha, arrived. Krishna got her PhD, returned to Bombay and kept winning laurels for her forays into hitherto unexplored frontiers of economic theory. Simultaneously she continued work on issues of income inequalities and the production function in Indian agriculture.
While all this was happening, a curious incident took place. The economist, Piero Sraffa, friend and confidant of both Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti, was a recluse in Cambridge, England, silently toiling away on editing the works of David Ricardo. He was widely known for both the profundity of the wisdom he tucked into himself and his reluctance to transcribe this wisdom into writing. It was general knowledge though that he was trying to build a halfway house between Marx and Ricardo. His little volume, crammed with insight, Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities, got published in the early Sixties and took the world of economics by storm. Few could grasp its implications and long critiques were written here and there, with the object of interpreting Sraffa's point of view. Sachin Chaudhuri, editor of Bombay's Economic Weekly, had an unerring instinct for discerning who could do what most effectively. He gave the review copy of Sraffa's book to Krishna Bharadwaj. The review article Krishna wrote created a flutter in the academic dovecots: the world now knew what Sraffa meant. Krishna's piece became a classic, perhaps the only instance of a review article being set down as compulsory text in university curricula.
Krishna moved from Bombay to the Delhi School of Economics and, after a few years, to the Jawaharlal Nehru University. She lectured, researched, produced papers and, during sabbaticals, dug roots in Cambridge to edit the collection of Sraffa's writings. Sraffa, who had become Krishna's close personal friend, had meanwhile passed away, but she took upon herself the Sraffa quest of establishing a bridge between Ricardo and Marx. Her life was, however, cut short in the early Nineties, by the virulence of a malignant brain tumour.
It is not so much of Krishna, but of her daughter, Sudha, that one wants to talk about though. Sudha was a prodigy in every sense of the term. For instance, while still barely seven or eight, she would engage in debates on logical positivism, mercilessly laying bare the entrails of the doctrine. The only child of a busy, divorcée mother, she had to create her own world and build her own hypotheses. She sat through all her examinations with an easy nonchalance, topping in each of them. Her five years at the Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur, were a repetition of the story. A piping first class resting in her pocket, the world was at her feet, more so since, by virtue of the place of her birth, she was the possessor of an American passport.
She could have gone away to the US, earned academic plaudits and plenty of money in a university position. She could have joined a transnational corporation as some sort of a technical apparat. She could have become a management guru in India itself, or travelled high along the totem pole of the Indian administrative service. She did none of these. Once she reached the age of 18, she walked to the US embassy in New Delhi, disowned her American nationality, and returned her passport. Sudha then slipped away into the wilderness of the Chhattisgarh forests.
She was, for a time, associated with Shankar Guha Neogi's devoted group at Bhilai, fighting against the rampant corruption indulged in by middle- and low-level bureaucrats and local contractors. To wrest proper wages for the toiling workers in the mines and plants located in the region was a major item on her agenda. She soon branched out to the wider issues of Dalit and tribal rights. Sudha began living with the adivasis, and learnt fast to think in the manner they do. She and her husband adopted an adivasi child as their daughter. It has been a life of relentless struggle: to establish and protect the rights of the Dalit and tribal population, the right for land, the right for education, for health and for security against marauding landlords and rentiers.
Which is to say, Sudha is engaged in the same kind of activities Binayak Sen was more or less engaged in, again in Chhattisgarh. The authorities have a particular way of sizing up individuals like Binayak Sen and Sudha Bharadwaj: these people mix too much with the tribals, therefore they are dangerous. Any person or group of persons working for the cause of tribals is officially ordained enemy of the State, any agitation to establish tribal rights is reckoned as insurrectionary activity. Sen was taken in precisely on this ground. His sphere of work was providing health facilities, and the dissemination of information about such facilities, among the tribal population. He was therefore a marked man and was arrested. Conceivably, Sudha's fate will be no different.
For every 9,999 young Indians from affluent families who either fly away to the US or join a trans-national corporation or choose to be a programming boss in an IT outfit or aspire to be top brass in the government system, there will still be a Binayak Sen or Sudha Bharadwaj. This is bound to be so since, every now and then, rationality, which is an integral element of the human mind, tends to assert itself against the rampant asymmetry of the human condition. True, not all rational minds always think rationally. One or two nonetheless do.
The 9,999 young Indians who choose the primrose path will, it goes without saying, roll in money. A Binayak Sen or a Sudha Bharadwaj will live a hard, marginal existence. A question will still keep nagging. If economists and mathematicians succeed in arriving at a common measure for accretions to national welfare on the basis of today and what would accrue in the future and are, at the same time, able to assign comparable weights to contribution by individual citizens, will not the contributions of Binayak and Sudha far outflank those by the rest of the crowd?
Article courtesy, The Telegraph newspaper.
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Art August 8 at Birla Academy of Art & Culture; 6 pm: Inauguration of an exhibition of paintings, sculptures, drawings and graphics by the awardees at the Annual Exhibition 2009. Till August 8 at Masters Collection Art Gallery, G-7 Malayalay Apts, 3 Woodburn Park, #30534053; 11 am - 6 pm: Meditative Beauty — recent paintings by Tanuj Sardar. Till August 9 at The Promenade Lounge, Taj Bengal; 10 am - 11 pm: The 11th solo exhibition of paintings by Sujata Chakraborty. The artist will be painting live from 3 pm to 6 pm. Till August 9 at Birla Academy of Art & Culture, 4th floor; 4 pm - 8 pm: SMS presents a group exhibition of paintings by Paulumi Roy, Puja Sarkar, Ankan Bandyopadhyay, Pitambar Khan, Goutam Chakraborty, Sandip Sarkar, Tonmoy Roy and Somnath Dolui.PERFORMING ARTS August 8 at G.D. Birla Sabhagar; 6.30 pm: Undoubtedly Real: Homage to Tagore's reletless journeys, time and again, through dance (Bharata Natyam) by Navtej Singh Johar. Presented as part of Rabindra Utsav, hosted by Happenings. August 8 at Spandan, 87 Park Street, 1st floor; 7 pm: Spandan, in association with Manik Shahani Art Foundation, presents an evening of classical music by two prodigies Prabahan Basu (sarod) and Sreejan Deb (tabla) as a tribute to Ustad Ali Akbar Khan. August 9 at Paschimbanga Bangla Akademi; 5.30 pm: Chhandak presents Subodh Mallika Square — an evening of recitation. August 9 at Rabindra Sadan; 5.30 pm: Barsha Utsav featuring dances by Amita Dutt, Sruti Bandopadhyay, Subhasis Bhattacharya, Aditya Mitra, Kalavati Devi, Devjani Chaliha, Malabika Sen, Priti Patel and Ashim Bandhu Bhattacharya; songs by Anushila Basu, Swagatalakshmi Dasgupta, Alok Roychoudhury, Rachayita Roy, Shinjini Acharya Majumdar, Jayati Chakraborty, Prabuddha Raha, Subrata Sengupta and others; and recitation by Raja Sarkar, Koushik Sen, Kingshuk Roychoudhury, Ishita Das Adhikari and Shantanu Gangopadhyay. August 9 at Rathindra Mancha; 6 pm: Abanindranath Tagore's birth anniversary programme organised by Rabindra Bharati Society. Abanindra Memorial Leacture by Prof. R. Shivkumar, to be followed by songs and recitation. August 9 at Science City auditorium; 6 pm: Performances by Jagjit Singh and Hariharan. August 9 at The Regency, 6 Hungerford Street; 6 pm: Sur-Shravan presents Pandit Ajoy Charaborty in a demonstration of Indian classical music. August 9 at G.D. Birla Sabhagar; 6.30 pm: Sanskriti Sagar hosts a Bhajan Sandhya by Padma Vibhushan Pandit Jasraj.IN MEMORIAM August 8 at Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Vivekananda Hall; 6 pm: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, in association with Jalsaghar, presents Smaranarha — Reminiscences of Ustad Ali Akbar Khan by Shankarlal Bhattacharya and others. To be followed by a sarod recital by Debanjan Bhattacharya with Arindam Chakraborty (tabla), and a sitar recital by Deep Shankar Bhattacharya with Ashis Mukherjee (tabla).BAISHEy SHRAVAN August 8 at Rabindra Sadan; 9 am: Sur Sadhana presents Phirey Dekha featuring Varsha Mangal (participants: Ratna Roy, Uma Mukhopadhyay, Sharbari Bhattacharya and others); solo recitals by Purabi Mukhopadhyay, Enakshi Chattopadhyay, Mohan Singh, Indrani Sen, Srikanto Acharya, Shampa Kundu, Saheb Chattopadhyay and Kingshuk Roy; and potery-reading by Bratati Bandyopadhyay and Pranati Thakur. August 8 at Swiss Park, Tollygunge; 5 pm: Kabi Praname Mohar — songs by Prasad Sen, Rajeswar Bhattacharya, Pramita Mallick, Agnibha Bandyopadhyay, Bhaswati Mukhopadhyay, Shraboni Sen, Pramit Sen, Alak Roy Chaudhuri, Ananda Gupta and others; and recitation by Bratati Bandyopadhyay, Partho Mukhopadhyay and others. August 8 at Indumati Sabhagriha; 5.30 pm: Sambhar presents songs by Soma Chakraborty, Tania Das, Madhabi Dutta, Esha Mitra, Apala Basu, Uma Mukhopadhyay, Sudeshna Sanyal, Bivas Chattopadhyay, Biswarup Rudra and others; and recitation & reading by Madhumita Basu, Bimal Dutta, Ishita Das Adhikari and others. August 8 at Rathindra Mancha; 6 pm: Rabindra Bharati Society's tribute to Tagore with recitation and reading by Urmimala and Jagannath Basu and Bisakha Mukherjee; and songs by Prabuddha Raha, Aditi Gupta, Sikha Basu, Chitralekha Chowdhury and others. August 8 -10 at Rabindra Sadan: Rabindra Smaran O Barsha Utsav organised by Rabindra Sadan and the state government's department of information and cultural affairs. Today (Rabindra Smaran) at 6 pm: Songs by Dwijen Mukherjee, Purabi Mukherhjee, Bibha Sengupta, Rajeshwar Bhattacharya, Chitralekha Choudhury, Purba Dam, Asis Bhattacharya, Swapna Ghosal, Abhirup Guha Thakurta, Swastika Mukhopadhyay and others; Subir Mitra and Ratna Mitra will perform Mrityur Natun Shilpi, written by Alokranjan Dasgupta. August 8 at 86B Manoharpukur Road; 7 pm: Tagore's death anniversary programme hosted by Roma Chakravartti, Shantiniketani Puratani. August 9 at Purbashree, EZCC, Salt Lake; 5.30 pm: Rabichchhaya presents songs by Abhirup Guha Thakurta, Bibha Sengupta, Pramita Mallick, Swapan Basu, Rakhi Sen, Sudeshna Sanyal, Kamalini Mukhopadhyay and others along with artistes of Rama-Ramyabeena. Also, felicitation to Biplab Mondal.DRAMA August 8 at Minerva Theatre; 6.30 pm: Purba Paschim Theatre Festival: Tagore's Chaturanga, directed by Bratya Basu. Also, felicitation to Basu by Nandita Das. August 8 at Ramgopal Mancha; 6.30 pm: Natadha will stage Swapner Chhayachhobi. Direction: Shib Mukhopadhyay. August 8 at Tapan Theatre; 6.30 pm: Swapnasoochana presents Biddho Aakash, directed by Sudipto Sarkar. August 8 & 9 at Proscenium's Art Centre, 46 AJC Bose Road; 6.30 pm: Proscenium Art Centre presents Bahut Bada Sawal, a play in Hindi directed by Ashok Churiwal. August 9 at Sodpur Lok Sanskriti Bhavan; 6 pm: Sukhchar Pancham Repertory Theatre presents Tagore's Bisarjan. Dir: Malay Mitra. August 9 at Madhusudan Mancha; 6.30 pm: Purba Paschim Theatre Festival: Launch of its new production, Patal Babu Film Star, directed by Ramaprasad Banik. To be followed by felicitation to Shabana Azmi and Ramaprasad Banik by Sandip Ray and Bharati Roy. August 9 at Minerva Theatre; 6.30 pm: Gandhar presents Kachher Manush, with Debshankar Haldar and Bijoylakshmi Barman in the lead. Direction: Gautam Haldar, filmmaker. August 9 at Mukta Angan Rangalaya; 6.30 pm: Shouvanik presents Fakka, directed by Chandan Das.TALK August 8 at Ramakrishna Mission Saradapitha, Belur Math; 6 pm: Swami Amiteshananda will speak on Practical Vedanta. August 8 at Ramakrishna Vedanta Math, 19B Raja Rajkrishna Street; 7 pm: Swami Paramatmananda will speak in Bengali on Mrityu Rahasya. August 8 at Bidhannagar Ramakrishna Vivekananda Kendra, DD-44 Salt Lake; 7 pm: Dr Subodh Choudhury will speak on Sri Ramakrishna O Keshabchandrer Sakshatkar. August 8 at Ramakrishna Math, Baranagar; 7.10 pm: Swami Jyotirupananda will speak on Today's Russia and Ramakrishna Movement.EXHIBITION Till August 8 at Sree Thyagaraja Hall, P-530 Raja Basanta Roy Road; 12 noon - 8 pm: All India Women's Conference, South Calcutta Constituent Branch presents Monsoon Mela for the benefit of the underprivileged. Featuring hand-woven materials, handicrafts, sarees, costume jewellery, children's garments, snacks, etc. Till August 8 at P-58 Dr Sarat Banerjee Road, Calcutta 29; 4 pm - 9 pm: Sreemayee is exhibiting its festive collection of sarees. Till August 9 at 359 Jodhpur Park; 11 am - 8 pm: Shuma's designer handcrafted sarees of tant, georgette and fancy kotas of Benaras.WORKSHOP August 8 at Oxford Junior, Park Street; 11.30 am - 1 pm: Oxford Junior is organising a theatre workshop (a play-reading session) for the age group, 6 yrs and above. For registration, call 98314 42177.All those who wish events to be included in this column should write not less than a week ahead to: Time out, The Telegraph,6, Prafulla Sarkar Street, Calcutta-700 001; Fax: 2234-8244All those who wish events to be included in this column should write not less than a week ahead to: Time out, The Telegraph, 6, Prafulla Sarkar Street, Calcutta-700 001; |
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Comments
Ashok Mitra is a forthright
Ashok Mitra is a forthright commentator and a brilliant writer. When he writes things, people sit and read.
He has been critical of the policies of the West Bengal government now for quite some time. He disagrees with the "industrialisation" thrust as it stands and has proposed alternatives. He has also warned and prognosticated about the fall in the left's support - what happened precisely in the Lok Sabha elections.
So, there is obviously a lot of merit in what the senior academic, former minister, regular columnist says vis-a-vis the alienation of the left's support base due to some of the policies and actions - land acquisition for industrialisation and high-handedness in dealing with the protests.
But I have to respectfully disagree with Dr. Mitra's conclusions. They suggest that the Left Front Government should resign now after the mandate in the Lok Sabha elections. What is the rationale - Dr Mitra thinks this will win over disaffected left supporters through the sheer moral intent of the action. It is a radical suggestion, but it has a great de-merit. Already left supporters - poor peasants mostly are the target of opposition triumphalist violence. Impunity is the only word to describe it. Sensing blood, the opposition led by the "famous lady" is on the rampage to get more blood- this time, the poor's for the only ostensible reason of their support to the left. And this in a state, where the ruling coalition has a nearly 75% majority.
I shudder to think what would happen if the left front government resigns - wouldn't this be a signal of weaknesses to be exploited by the marauders let loose by the opposition? And isn't it a moral imperative for the government to protect its state's citizens and ensure law and order?
That brings me in variance with Dr Mitra's conclusions. Assembly elections are scheduled for 2011. There is enough time to bring about a course correction. There are certain valid points that the government has made in its favour for the industrialisation drive, which has been rejected through the ballot box as has turned out in the Lok Sabha elections. Dr Mitra's argument that the advantage that the Left had at the national level is no longer there and certain "concessions" - public sector investment can no longer wrought out, holds true. But the state government can do what it can within its realm - it can ensure that the welfare measures entrusted to it are carried out in full zeal - the NREGA implementation for e.g. And it can continue to give focus to what the Left Front has been doing for years - focussed land redistribution and strengthening of the agricultural sector.
Wherever and whatever could be done with industrialisation without land acquisition or displacement, that can possibly be done as well. Structural constraints (finances for e.g.) would remain, but winning back the peoples' trust is of more paramount importance. The Left Front would be making a huge blunder if it leaves the responsibility entrusted upon it in 2006 to the assorted motley group of un-ideological and opportunist gang up led by the "famous lady".
Kerala defeat is not in the usual pattern
The defeat of Left front in Kerala this time is not like the usual UDF< > LDF change. CPI(M) lost its mass base in Kerala. Corrupted life style of party leaders, withdrawal from peoples issues locally and the concious neoliberal policies adopted by a section of CPI(M) leaders especially the anti-communist policies in the fields of culture and education are some of the major reasons for the loss in Kerala. If the left should not implement serious changes in its policies people will still distance from the party. As the beginning stage com.M.A.Baby must be removed from polit bureau as well as from the party and leadership change is must in state party leadership. Congress party victory in Kerala was not part of a ntion wide congress favorable atmosphere but they won with the vote of CPI(M) members and sympathisers. The detailed analysis and the votting pattern published in Malayalam news papers reveal this reality. The part news paper Deshabhimani as well as the TV channels Kairali and People should function like leftist media. All anti-communists , opportunists and business men must be avoided from at least the editorial page of party organ Deshabhimani. Change is must in CPI(M) and the election results must be an eye-opener.
M.A.Baby is never been in PB
M.A.Baby is never been in PB of CPM. left got around 43% vote does not points to your findings that CPM lost "mass base".
In fact 3 years rule of LDF in Kerala was an exemplary instance of CPI[M]'s role on formulating and practicing a real alternative policies to the right ward 'neo-liberal policies'. The LDF government in Kerala is taking steps to revitalise the economy of the State in the wake of the global economic downturn
(http://www.hindu.com/2009/05/18/stories/2009051854680700.htm).
In fact the performance of government or CPI[M]'s stand on anti communal, secular, and anti neo-liberal policies and its alternative policies were never been a discusion matter! Media, right wing communal, casteist, business sections and goondas were tied together and tilted the results towards them!
What did you mean by following statement?
"All anti-communists , opportunists and business men must be avoided from at least the editorial page of party organ Deshabhimani."
Offcourse, this defeat was unexpected. State commitee has to clarify the details of this defeat..
CPI(M) voters were never
CPI(M) voters were never influenced by caste,communal feelings but they were much dissapointed by partys attempt to appease certain sections of communities. In fact PB itself pointed out that the alliance with the PDP is a cause of failure. Right Media has always been against the party but nowadays the CPI(M) organ Deshabhimani reduced to the standard of impotent group magazine and its fast decreasing circulation is the best indicator of that. All Keralites are well aware of M.A.Babys policies as well as CPI(M) leaders freindship with corrupted tainted businessmen. The question is whether party leadership can analyse the realities or will they cling on to useless arguments like "Media, right wing communal, casteist, business sections and goondas were tied together and tilted the results towards them!".Such unrealistic arguments will drag party to more defeats. This defeat was expected and it was a conscious attempt by CPI(M) members itself who were dejected by the faulty lines and tainted alliance formed by a section of party leaders. The state level percentage analysis will not help but the erosion of votes in party's traditional strongholds must be looked into.
these are sweeping arguments.
these are sweeping arguments. people in a society are influenced by several factors. Left's duty is to educate the mass on the -ve influence of the different groups, and there by strengthen the people's democratic front. negating this basic fact will not lead you any where. PDP's changed approach towards left is very clear, and it is a gradual process. For understanding that, you need to see and analyze a series of events happened across years. cpm's approach is not driven from centre....... each party unit and branch will decide an action by analyzing merits and demerits. could you explain what is 'MA Baby's policies' ?
after election, what happened to madany or lavalin issue??? What happened to medias' towering anti-communal, anti terrorist, and anti corruption approaches? influence of the -ve elements on this election is an undeniable fact.
there are different sort of issues; analyzing them objectively and in a self criticizing manner is very much required. that we are expecting from a communist party.
Departing from the usual way
Departing from the usual way of allotting Education ministry to coalition partners, CPM took the ministry this time. What qualitative change had M A Baby brought forth after taking charge?
What had he done to improve the quality of education, whether it is school, sec, college levels? In fact all the 80% 90 % results in school, sec edn are made up with literally absurd way of evaluation. See when we have a communist minister people expect more. Children of the poor families depends entirely on govt schooling. If the govt schooling itself is a failure - hidden by mark donation/hyped results etc. - then how can a deprived child come up in life?
The first ministry tried to remove the teachers posting from aided school managements? What did Baby do?
What is the criteria of teachers transfer in Govt schools? Is there any transparent formula which education ministry follows? Some eductation ministry officers got suspended on corruption - taking bribe for suitable transfers. What had M A Baby done so that transfers are done in a transparent manner even after this?
Now Madany - What is CPM's stand on Shariat/Purdah/Common civil code/triple talaq? Does Madany's stand confirm with CPM's stand?
you want to criticize for the
you want to criticize for the sake of criticize. Please give a look in to the link a summary of different activities done by this government... (this document is one year old)
http://www.minister-education.kerala.gov.in/achievements/edac001.pdf
below link is on teachers posting.
http://www.deshabhimani.com/Profile.aspx?user=92996
(certain articles is available in below link
http://www.minister-education.kerala.gov.in/index.php?option=com_content...)
blaming every thing on 'MA Baby' is absurd!
When this government came to power, the first activity was to control the unaided/ aided and the higher education managements. Due to the high -ve influence of these elements in the society and the class character of the courts in our country, government could not do lot of its activities that are in its wish list.
What ever projects or activities implemented by this government is the policy implementation of LDF and CPI[M], they are not 'MA Baby's policies'!
Now the questions you have raised have to raise to Madani directly , for proper understanding. Madany is not part of LDF. PDP supported LDF on seeing its anti imperialist and anti fascist stands. When PDP and Madani changed from its original position on the issue of communalism, LDF was ready to accept its support.
It is a fact that LDF could not convince mass due to several reasons, which has to be introspected.
Failiure creeps in .....
It is a fact that left has suffered a serious setback in these Lok Sabha elections. It is a fact that it was unexpected. It is a fact that there prevails a sense of demoralization in the Left cadre for a while. I don't intend to touch upon the reasons for the current phase of left in the Indian politics as it is vociferously debated by both the segments, pro-left and anti-left.
However, let me make it clear that nothing has happened of the irreparable nature. Scientific analysis of the real situation can make us more strengthened, even better than what we were in the past. So, kindly stop harping on the failure as for now.
As far as what needs to be done must take into account the consolidation rather than expansion. In my opinion, general mood of an average Indian leans towards security and stability. Sociologically speaking, it is a fact that Indians tend to fall for security, be it marriage, property, career, and etc. They have acted on the same lines. Since left was of the opinion that by projecting third front it will ride the horse, it threw all its energies in that direction. In the meantime, its pillar eroded (West Bengal).
Now, its time to come out of offices and be on streets and constantly exposing the truths before the public. West Bengal will be entering into an era of mindless profiteering now due to Mamta's enlarged presence. This is the best time to make the people of West Bengal realize the onslaughts of capitalistism. And I am sure they are in better postion to realize it sooner.
Prepare for 2011. Left will make it happen this time. Even better!
I am not going into the
I am not going into the details of why the left got such a thrashing in this Lok Sabha election and quite obviously I don't think I can prepare a detailed analysis without personally visiting and understanding the grass root realities in West Bengal and Kerala. I have always been a staunch supporter of the left and I think I will always continue to be one. I take immense pride when I read about the achievements of the left in WB, Kerala and Tripura and also when I read or hear about struggles in other parts of the country which are being spearheaded by the left.
The fact is that the role and the importance of the left can and will always be undermined by the media, by right wing forces and all other powerful pro capitalist forces. It has always been their job to point out (what they consider) the "shortcomings" of the left, to constantly thrash the left. But the fact remains that in spite of all such slander against the left and the CPIM in particular, the left has consistently been able to reach out to the people in West Bengal and has been able to counter the (often false) anti left propaganda of such forces. The people, despite all these factors, have reposed their faith in the left.
Clearly, this time the left has not got a favourable response from the people. We could blame Mamata, we could blame the bourgeoisie media, the right wing forces, American imperialism and all other anti-left forces for this debacle but the fact does remain that these forces existed even for the last 30 years that the left had been in power in West Bengal. I agree with Ashok Mitra and Ruling Marxisthis analysis of where the party has gone wrong. Clearly, one expected the Nandigram firing to be a wake up call for the party, but internally one saw party leaders only becoming more and more arrogant about the situation. Everyone expected the Bengal party to do some serious self introspection at that point but the party only busied itself in seeing how best it could defend its position. "The firings and the killings were not justified BUT... " Clearly the opposition had done all it could to fuel the situation in Nandigram, but we would really be forcing a blinkered vision on ourselves if we were to negate the complete mishandling of the situation by the WB government. Long time sympathizers of the left who were critical of the party for the mishandling of Nandigram were written off by the party as "anti-left", "agents of imperialism" etc. Clearly the party was in no mood to accept criticism. Maybe, it is time for all in the left to accept that the LF has been losing credibility among the people in the state over the last decade or so. A whole range of factors are plaguing the party. Even now there are, by several in the party, desperate attempts to prove that the election debacle was a result of several forces and factors, none of which include the party's own problems.
An internal pre-poll analysis by almost all the senior leaders of the party was that the left front will be able to rake in at least 26 seats in West Bengal. Does the result only show the left's growing disconnect with the masses? Can a Communist Party really afford to lose its mass contact? Isn't that really a pre requisite for the effective functioning of a Communist Party? Maybe our cadre needs to go back to the people and with all humility ask them why they decided to vote against the LF? Why they have been losing faith in the LF? Can we, like Ashok Mitra suggests, go back to the people and apologise for our past mistakes? Clearly only Communists can be and should be capable of this humility and honesty. And if this election debacle hasn't humbled us then nothing will.
A question that does strike me often (particularly over the last couple of years or so) is whether the Communist Party of India (Marxist) is really viewed as revolutionary party any longer? As a party leading or spear heading the communist movement at the grass root level or are as as just another political party desperately trying to rake in some seats? Have electoral representations become the main concern of the party? Is the party slipping into some kind of bourgeoisie parliamentarianism where the party is almost losing its vanguardist nature? I don't know. But what I do know is, that more than Comrades Prakash Karat, Sitaram Yechury, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, V.S Achyutanandan, it is the workers, the peasants, the poor, the toiling masses who need the Communist Party and who form the strength of the party and if these sections of society have voted against the left and in favour of a lumpen right wing party, bereft of any ideology or principles like the TMC then maybe the left has some serious self introspection to do.
http://www.pragoti.org/bn/node/3438