- POLLUTED KAMANA SAGAR, BARUNI and MATUA MOBILISATION, MAMATA`S COMMUNIST MANIFESTO and MARXIST DALIT AGENDATroubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams: Chapter 187Palash Biswas
Dr. Sanity: THE NEO-MARXIST AGENDA OF THE ANTI-MILITARY LEFT
Caught up in the marxist agenda of their postmodern rhetoric--with which ... Now, of course, we daily the Obama Messiah preaching the same neo-marxist BS, ...
drsanity.blogspot.com/2008/02/neo-marxist-agenda-of-anti-military.html - 47k - Cached - Similar pages -Disagree with the Marxist liberal agenda, you're a thought ...
Disagree with the Marxist liberal agenda, you're a thought criminal, a "hater! ..... Gee,Jim, how come they didn’t write about the Daily Kos or the Democrat ...
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28 Nov 2008 ... All Out to Defeat Harper's Right Wing Agenda! It Must Not Pass! .... Read The Marxist-Leninist Daily Website: www.cpcml.ca Email: ...
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6 Dec 2007 ... This is the same anti-people, anti-Canadian agenda that is destroying our ..... Read The Marxist-Leninist Daily Website: www.cpcml.ca Email: ...
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More results from www.cpcml.ca »In Defence of Marxism - Yar'Adua’s Seven Point Agenda: any hope ...
23 Jan 2009 ... This point on the agenda is mere wishful thinking under capitalism ... still highly volatile with hostage taking occurring on a daily basis. ...
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29 Sep 2008 ... No to Harper's Law and Order Agenda! ... to strengthen the hand of the state to further criminalize these youth who daily face the brutality ... Authorized by the registered agent of the Marxist–Leninist Party of Canada ...
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He is a Socialist with a pure Marxists agenda. ... Daily Popular. Christian Publications Can’t Print the Word “Allah” (4); Fox News Covers Ohio Man Openly ...
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For even they only interpreted the actuality of the revolution as Marx had ... all questions on the daily agenda, whether they were political or economic, ...
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11 Oct 2008 ... This doesn't demonstrate that Obama is a Marxist, nor does it prove that he agrees with the full agenda of the New Party. ...
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Election '08: John McCain has finally called Barack Obama's agenda by its proper name. ... His ties to hostile Marxist regimes remain, raising more questions about .... Copyright 2009 Investor's Business Daily. All Rights Reserved. ...
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| marxist leninist party of canada | barack obama marxist | marxism 21st century |
Agencies
Posted: Mar 26, 2009 at 1325 hrs IST
"We know change will go slowly, but we are determined to imitate what Gandhi did in India when he boycotted English salt," Khalid Mansour, the chairman of the Popular Committees in Nablus told Palestinian news agency 'Maan'.
As per official statistics Palestinians consume 2.6 billion shekels (USD 0.6 billion) worth of Israeli goods each year, Mansoor said.
28 per cent of this money is said to be spent on the purchasing cement from Israel.
Palestinians also consume 30 million shekels (USD 2.40 million) worth of medicines and 10 million worth of gold produced in Israel every year.
Vaisnava Movement The religious and social movement introduced by Sri chaitanya (1486-1533). The movement was also known as Bhakti Andolan or devotional movement. Its purpose was to counter the caste system and religious and social superstitions of Hindu society in that period.
The Vaisnava movement originated before Chaitanyadev essentially through the Vaisnava lyrics written by the pre-Chaitanya poets chandidas (14th century) and vidyapati (c 1380-1460). Chaitanyadev added a new dimension to the movement, and it was through his leadership that it developed into a social movement. It assumed the name of Gaudiya Vaisnavism, or simply vaisnavism. Although there already existed in Hinduism a religion based on love and devotion for the divine, Chaitanyadev made it into a new religion by adding to it ideas about liberal humanism and social equality deriving from Sufi philosophy.
http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/V_0007.htm
Chandal a caste of people traditionally engaged in menial jobs. They are of dark complexion. Chandals are untouchables and often conceptually mixed with doms. Chandals engage themselves in cultivation, trading, and shopkeeping, and also work as goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and palanquin bearers. They perform any job higher caste people engage them in. Their dietary habits include pork, mud eel, snake and foods prohibited for other castes. They are generally poor and uneducated and consequently, their lifestyle is abominable. They are forced to live in unhygienic, unhealthy areas littered with animal and other filth. They rear pigs, which further contribute to their sub-human living atmosphere. Chandals call themselves Nama-Sudra. They marry off their daughters while they are infants but observe the same ceremonies as most of their higher counterparts. Bride price is a custom among chandals. Divorce is not so common. Polygamy is permitted in the chandal society.
After the birth of a male child, the chandal mother is ceremonially declared unclean for ten days, but for a female child the period varies from seven to nine days. On the sixth day after the birth of a male child, a Sasthi puja is performed. Although the majority of the caste profess the tenets of the Vaishnava sect of hinduism, they still retain many religious customs (Bastu puja or worship of the earth goddess, Bansura puja or worship of the river god, Manasha puja or worship of the goddess of snake etc.), peculiar to animistic cults. Chandals have brahmans of their own, who preside at their religious and social ceremonies, but they are popularly called Barna-Brahman or Chandaler Brahman, since they are Brahmans, who have degraded themselves in status by presiding over lower caste ceremonies.
Though changes in the material conditions of the chandal caste are not yet much noticeable, it is, however, quite evident that the chandals, like all other traditional occupational groups, are changing structurally and occupationally under the impact of modern communication, education, state policies, NGO activities, globalisation, etc. The traditional role of the chandals is also changing now in view of ever increasing mobility. [Sharmin Naaz]
http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/C_0110.htm
Shame!
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White Letters on Black Board - Palash Speaks
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At different places, the most important of them being Orakandi and Lakshmikhali, the mela (fair) attracted thousands of devotees across the local ...
books.google.co.in/books?isbn=0700706267...
Asru: Bengali Refugees
There is no denying that members of the community are among the most disciplined. Though no arrangements are made by the administration to regulate the stream of devotees, there is little chaos. Trouble does break out at times, mainly over traffic movement.
The fair is organised every year marking the birth anniversary of Hindu priest Sri Sri Harichand Thakur, who was born in the village 184 years ago.
As they believe that Harichand’s residence is one of the holiest places containing holy water, thousands of pilgrims take baths in Kamona Sagar and Dudh Sagar — two ponds in the residence — on the date of his birth ‘to purify them with the holy water and to be cured of their diseases.’
Thousands of pilgrims from across the country, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Thailand attended the festival.
Meanwhile, a three-day Baruni Mela, a traditional fair, began near Bualmary field under Boda upazila in Panchagarh on Monday.
Hundreds of people, including women and children started visiting different makeshift shops within the fair premises. Household articles, entertainment such as circus, jatra, doll dance and acrobatic feats with motor cycle are featuring in the fair.
Sensex closes above 10,000 mark!Inflation moved towards zero by declining to 0.27 per cent for the second week of March, even as essential food prices continued to remain high due to high MSP and inadequate production of pulses and coarse cereals. The 0.17 percentage point decline in wholesale prices inflation from 0.44 per cent during the week ended March 7 was also attributed partly to a high base effect as the rate of price rise was 8.02 per cent in the same period a year ago. Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia on Thursday said the Indian economy is not heading towards deflation despite inflation nearing the zero-level in the past few weeks.He further said that the inflation rate would go down very sharply. "It can go to zero or may even be negative for a week or two. It has happened in the past...during 1970s the inflation rate became negative for a brief period. But I don't expect that there would be deflation at all now," Ahluwalia added.
Cong should be ashamed for ‘anti-Sikh acts’, Maneka Gandhi launches a MISSILE to defend her son Barun Gandhi charged with HATE SPEECH!Breaking her silence over her son's alleged hate speech, Varun Gandhi's mother and former Union Minister Maneka Gandhi on Thursday attacked the Congress, saying the party was taking up the case to ‘conceal’ its ‘anti-Sikh acts’.Ironically, the report of the Pilibhit district authorities on alleged distribution of money by BJP Lok Sabha nominee Varun Gandhi has been forwarded to the Election Commission for further action, a senior official has said. The State Electoral Office has forwarded the Pilibhit District Magistrate's report on alleged distribution of money by Gandhi during a rally on March 4 to the Election Commission, Additional Chief Electoral Officer Umesh Sinha told reporters here on Wednesday.
As BJP leader Varun Gandhi, actor-turned-politician Govinda and SP leader Mulayam Singh Yadav face Election Commission notices for alleged distribution of cash to people prior to elections, a survey reveals that the practice has in fact grown over the years. The recent survey by Delhi-based NGO, Centre for Media Studies (CMS) also says that the menace is not limited to any single belt but prevalent in all parts of the country, including the literate states.
On the other hand,India faces the threat of another major terror attack after the audacious 26/11 Mumbai strikes with the "jihadist insurgency" intensifying along the western border and Pakistan seemingly losing control of its militant proxies, a leading US think tank has warned. India already has "an array of militant threats" to deal with, ranging from Naxalites to northeastern insurgents to Kashmiri militants, Stratfor said in its latest analysis.
Sources said that a fresh group of infiltrators has been spotted and intercepted by the troops in the forests of Gurez. “Yes, an operation is going on in Gurez Valley,” Defense spokesman Lt Col J S Brar said. He, however, refused to divulge more details about the operation.
The Sensex, which has been on a four-day winning streak, added 335.20 points, or 3.47 per cent, to end at 10,003.10, a level last seen on January 5, as major market players and speculators indulged in covering their pending positions on expiry of monthly settlements in derivatives.
Hitting back at Congress, two UPA constituents and an ally, RJD, LJP and SP, announced the formation of a "secular alliance" that will contest 120 seats in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar unitedly.
"We three are together. We will fight jointly in North India. We will not clash with each other in the two states having 120 Lok Sabha seats," Samajwadi Party General Secretary Amar Singh declared at a press conference in New Delhi.
Hitting back at Congress, two UPA constituents and an ally, RJD, LJP and SP, announced the formation of a "secular alliance" that will contest 120 seats in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar unitedly.
"We three are together. We will fight jointly in North India. We will not clash with each other in the two states having 120 Lok Sabha seats," Samajwadi Party General Secretary Amar Singh declared at a press conference in New Delhi.
ISI operatives aiding Taliban in Afghanistan: Report
The Taliban's widening campaign in southern Afghanistan is made possible in part by direct support from operatives in Pakistan's military intelligence agency, the 'New York Times' said, citing US government officials.
Chandala
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 | This article may require copy-editing for grammar, style, cohesion, tone or spelling. You can assist by editing it now. A how-to guide is available. (November 2007) |
Chandala (चांडाल) or Chandal is an opprobrious term, reserved for a despised group of peoples in India by people of India in the Sanskritic literature. Currently it is a caste title used specifically in the Indo-Aryan speaking regions of India. Usage of the term is also noted in ancient and medieval literature of Sri Lanka, South India which is generally Dravidian speaking and in the Indo-China region.
Chandala as a term of despised caste was used even in Dravidian speaking South India and amongst the Prakrit speaking people who migrated from North India into Sri Lanka. But this term is no longer in vogue in these regions. Sandala has become a swear term in the colloquial usage of the Tamil language. Chandal continues to be a derogatory expletive used to refer to a mean person in North India.
Many Dalit castes in north India are still referred to as Chanadalas. and it is a general term to denote any similar caste, as well. They are noted in Maharashtra, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal. In Bengal they have changed their name to Namasudra to escape the negative effects of the terminology.
[edit] In literature
The term Chandala was used in the Manu Smriti or the codes of caste segregation to the Mahabharata the religious epic. It was also used as a synonym for Domba indicating the terms were interchangeable. Instead, it is a general opprobrious term.
In the early Vedic literature several castes spoken of in the Smritis as Antyajas occur. We have Carmanna (a tanner of hides) in the Rig Veda (VIII.8,38) the Chandala and Paulkasa occur in Vaj. S., the Vepa or Vapta (barber) even in the Rig., the Vidalakara or Bidalakar (corresponding to the Buruda of the Smritis) occurs in the Vaj.S. and the Tai, Br. Vasahpalpuli (washer woman) corresponding to the Rajakas of the Smritis in Vaj.S.
According to Fa Hien, a Chinese Buddhist pilgrim who visited India in the early 4th century AD said Throughout the country the people kill no living thing nor drink wine, nor do they eat garlic or onion, with the exception of Chandalas only. The Chandalas are named 'evil men' and dwell apart from others; if they enter a town or market, they sound a piece of wood in order to separate themselves; then, men knowing they are, avoid coming in contact with them. In this country they do not keep swine nor fowls, and do not deal in cable; they have no shambles or wine shops in their market-places. In selling they use cowrie shells. The Chandalas only hunt and sell flesh. Thus indicating even by then they have been segregated from the mainstream society as untouchables.
German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche described the Jewish and Christian religions with the term Chandala ("Tschandala") in his works The Antichrist and The Twilight of the Idols. Nietzsche's use of this term was influenced by the French writer Louis Jacolliot, and his work Les législateurs religieux, Manou, Moïse, Mahomet. Nietzsche also claimed that every great spirit has experienced, "as one stage in his development", the stigma of being a Chandala; not because others consider him this way, but because he feels and senses within himself a profound schizm and alienation from the world. [Not correct -- confusion between Chandala and Catiline: Nietzsche hates Chandala. What he says is that "every genius knows, as one stage of his development, the 'Catilinarian existence' -- a feeling of hatred, revenge, and rebellion against everything which already is, which no longer becomes."]
[edit] References
- Chanadalas amongst Sinhalese in Sri Lanka
- Regulations against the Chandalas in Maharshatra
- Namasudra a new term for Chandalas of Bengal
- Dictionary of Hindu Lore and Legend (ISBN 0-500-51088-1) by Anna Dallapiccola
[edit] External links
- Chandala in Tamil Nadu Bakthi movement
- Matanga Jataka Jataka Pali No.497
- Chandal Slums in Gujarat
- Chandala versus Doms
New Delhi (PTI): Condemning the killing of eight of its cadre in West Bengal, the CPI(M) Polit Bureau on Wednesday alleged that the Congress-Trinamool Congress alliance backed by Maoists were unleashing a campaign of terror and violence against its supporters ahead of the Lok Sabha polls.
"These targetted assassinations of CPI(M) is part of a nefarious design by Trinamool Congress and its Maoist collaborators to create terror and disrupt the CPI(M) and the Left Front's election campaign and to intimidate their supporters," the CPI(M)'s Polit Bureau said in a statement.
Denouncing the violence, the party said people of West Bengal will not be cowed down by such violent attacks.
CPI(M) said eight workers were killed till the 18th of this month and seven were killed in the month of February.
The party also appealed to all democratic forces to condemn these "brutal" attacks.
CPM alleges terror campaign against cadres
NEW DELHI, March 25: The CPI-M said on Wednesday that the Trinamul Congress-Congress alliance in West Bengal, backed by Maoists, had unleashed a “vicious campaign of terror and violence” against CPI-M cadres in the state after the announcement of the Lok Sabha elections.
In March so far, the party politburo said, eight cadres and activists of the CPI-M were brutally killed in various parts of West Bengal. Five party members were killed on a single day on 18 March, it said.
Assassination of cadres in March were a “part of a nefarious design by the Trinamul Congress and its Maoist collaborators to create terror and disrupt the CPI-M and Left Front’s election campaign and to intimidate their supporters,” the politburo charged. The party appealed to all democratic forces to condemn the attacks.
CPM slams farm policies
Continuing its election-eve “expose” of government failures, the CPI-M also released pamphlets on agriculture and Bharat Nirman and said the farm sector was devoid of infrastructure and witnessing suicides due to faulty policies. Politburo members Mr SR Pillai and Mr K Vardarajan told reporters the farmers’ debt waiver scheme had failed to give them any relief on loans taken from private money-lenders. As a result, there were 69,064 farmer suicides in the first four years of UPA rule, they said. The share of agriculture had fallen from 5.8 per cent of total Plan investment in the seventh five year Plan to 3.7 per cent in the 11th Plan, the party said. On the NREGA, the party charged that the government made every possible effort to cut allocation and curtail the rightful share of the workers. Referring to Bharat Nirman targets of rural telephony, all weather connectivity, safe drinking water, electrification and housing, it said the government insisted on a “bizarre” public-private partnership model, and progress was slow.
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=248235
Agriculture, rural India suffered during UPA rule, says CPI(M)
Special Correspondent
| “In the first four years of the UPA regime 69,064 farmers committed suicide” |
Crucial proposals of the M.S. Swaminathan-led National Commission of Farmers not implemented
Rhetoric on increasing public investment in agriculture not matched by outlays
NEW DELHI: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Wednesday continued its campaign against the Congress-led UPA reign charging that people depending on agriculture and living in rural India suffered during the last five years.
Contesting the claims of a high growth rate of 10 per cent, the party said the rate of growth in agriculture was around 2.4 per cent and during the quarter ending December last year, it recorded a negative growth of – 2.2 per cent of agricultural GDP.
“In the first four years of the UPA regime 69,064 farmers have committed suicide i.e. one farmer committed suicide every 30 minutes,” the party said in the campaign booklet “Lies, Deceit and Demagogy: The UPA Report Card in Agriculture.”
Party Polit Bureau members S. Ramachandran Pillai and K. Varadarajan released the material that included a folder entitled “Bharat Nirman – New Deal or Raw Deal for rural India.”
The party said the Congress claimed that 36 million farm households benefited under the loan waiver scheme but this did not even account for 50 per cent of the total indebted.
It charged that the UPA government refused to implement crucial proposals of the M.S. Swaminathan-led National Commission of Farmers to reduce the interest rates to four per cent and for the universalisation of crop insurance under the National Agriculture Insurance Scheme.
The booklet said the “rhetoric on increasing public investment in agriculture” was not matched by outlays and that the CPI(M) and Left parties prevented the government’s “concerted efforts to dilute and subvert” the NREGP .
It said farmers were not getting remunerative prices for their produce, and jobs in agriculture were decreasing sharply. The party also said the government struck a deal with global agribusiness and went for the Indo-U.S. knowledge initiative on agriculture research and education.
Criticising the Bharat Nirman programme, it said the public-private partnership model was unsuitable and likely to achieve little apart from fat payments to consultants and private contractors.
By December 2008, only 17.95 per cent of targeted rural households have been electrified and only 52 per cent of the targeted rural villages. The actual number of households without electricity is about 8.4 crore, it said.
Targets not met
As for rural roads, the folder noted that only 55 per cent of the target has been achieved in terms of length and 34 per cent in terms of habitation.
Similarly in rural drinking water supply, only 57 per cent of uncovered and 43 per cent of quality-affected habitation targets have been met. Targets for rural telephony and rural housing too have not been met.
http://www.hindu.com/2009/03/26/stories/2009032654691000.htm
Over 10 million of them (read voters in election season) live in Bengal alone. What's more, in the Bongaon Lok Sabha constituency the Matuas are more than a force to reckon with. They may be the deciding factor.
The number is enough to understand why transport minister Subhas Chakraborty and Left Front leader from Tripura Anil Sarkar went all the way to Thakurnagar. Chakraborty touched the feet of Binapani Devi (the Matua guru) on Tuesday evening and made many promises.
Mamata was not to be left out. "Barama ke amar sotokoti pronam (My deepest respects to Barama)," says one of her banners. Apart from Mamata, it bears the names of Trinamool Congress candidate Gobinda Naskar and Gaighata MLA Jyotipriya Mullick. Another Trinamool gate welcomes the devotees and has photographs of Mamata, Barama and the mela grounds.
No politics here, apparently. Save for a banner on one of the pillars of the gate, dedicating it to the memory of Singur's Tapasi Mullick. After all Tapasi was a Scheduled Caste girl and so are the Matuas.
Even Bahujan Samaj Party has put up banners on the way to the mela ground in Thakurnagar, some 75 km from Kolkata, close to the India-Bangladesh border of Petrapole.
The week-long Baruni Mela attracts 2.5-3 million devotees every year but rarely has the Thakurbari, where the mela is organized, been a popular destination for political parties. Party banners and gates line the roads. Shelters with drinking water facilities have been set up. Elsewhere, political workers guide devotees and help them find parking spaces or a place to spend the night.
Ever since the mela started on Tuesday, Jyotipriya Mullick and Forward Bloc MLA Haripada Biswas have set up camp at Thakurnagar. At the Trinamool rally held at Gaighata on Monday evening, both Gobinda Naskar and Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar candidate from neighbouring Barasat were seen sporting badges of the Matua Mahasangha.
The Matua community is not particularly pleased with this fawning by political parties. "Everybody can come here and seek Barama's blessings. We know that this huge gathering looks very attractive to all political parties. After all, people from across the state congregate here. However, we shall not allow any political party to use this platform for their own purposes," said Rabi Haldar, vice-president of the advisory committee to the Mahasangha and joint secretary of the mela committee.
"Gates and banners have been put up without the knowledge of the Mahasabha. We also do not like Barama's photographs being used by parties. We cannot prevent anybody from coming here but we can request political leaders to get in touch with the Mahasangha before trying to get in touch with the devotees."
The Matua community primarily consists of the lower castes who migrated from Bangladesh. They follow the teachings of Harichand and Guruchand Thakur. The latter's grandson Pramatha Ranjan Thakur gave up his practice as a barrister at Calcutta High Court to become the president of the Mahasangha. On March 13, 1948, he founded Thakurnagar after purchasing the land from one Janad Kumari Dasi.
Parties are falling over each other to woo the Mahasangha as the Matuas are one of the best organized communities in the country. The community is divided into registered groups of 500 in all districts, each having a dalapati (group head). Every group has to have a membership of at least 11. In villages where Matuas are fewer in number, heads of families are allotted membership cards with the names of family members. Every family has to pay Rs 5 per month or Rs 50 per year as membership fees. In this way, the Mahasangha keeps stock of all members of the community. No wonder, those in the Mahasangha wield considerable influence over the members.
"The Mahasangha does not have any political affiliation. We do not tell anybody to vote for a particular political party. However, the Mahasangha has the power to call upon all members and ask them to rally behind us for any cause that affects the community. This is why political parties find us so powerful," Haldar adds.
Matua leaders say that Trinamool MLA Jyotipriya Mullick has been by their side for years. In the last few months, others have joined in and extended largesse for development of the Thakurbari. Former MP Debabrata Biswas and MP Subrata Basu have donated Rs 15 lakh each towards setting up of an old-age home in the complex. Mamata has donated Rs 33 lakh towards renovation of the Thakurbari pond (known as Kamanasagar) where devotees take a dip. She has promised Rs 60 lakh more for the renovation.
The Matua leadership do not mind donations whether they are from politicians or community members. However, they firmly believe that today's politicians are a far cry from the likes of P R Thakur, who had been an MLA as well as an MP during his lifetime. There are problems of development within the community that no political party has been able to address. It seems that mere chin-wagging during the Baruni Mela will not suffice to woo the Matua voters.
Over 10 million of them (read voters in election season) live in Bengal alone. What's more, in the Bongaon Lok Sabha constituency the Matuas are more than a force to reckon with. They may be the deciding factor.
The number is enough to understand why transport minister Subhas Chakraborty and Left Front leader from Tripura Anil Sarkar went all the way to Thakurnagar. Chakraborty touched the feet of Binapani Devi (the Matua guru) on Tuesday evening and made many promises.
Mamata was not to be left out. "Barama ke amar sotokoti pronam (My deepest respects to Barama)," says one of her banners. Apart from Mamata, it bears the names of Trinamool Congress candidate Gobinda Naskar and Gaighata MLA Jyotipriya Mullick. Another Trinamool gate welcomes the devotees and has photographs of Mamata, Barama and the mela grounds.
No politics here, apparently. Save for a banner on one of the pillars of the gate, dedicating it to the memory of Singur's Tapasi Mullick. After all Tapasi was a Scheduled Caste girl and so are the Matuas.
Even Bahujan Samaj Party has put up banners on the way to the mela ground in Thakurnagar, some 75 km from Kolkata, close to the India-Bangladesh border of Petrapole.
The week-long Baruni Mela attracts 2.5-3 million devotees every year but rarely has the Thakurbari, where the mela is organized, been a popular destination for political parties. Party banners and gates line the roads. Shelters with drinking water facilities have been set up. Elsewhere, political workers guide devotees and help them find parking spaces or a place to spend the night.
Ever since the mela started on Tuesday, Jyotipriya Mullick and Forward Bloc MLA Haripada Biswas have set up camp at Thakurnagar. At the Trinamool rally held at Gaighata on Monday evening, both Gobinda Naskar and Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar candidate from neighbouring Barasat were seen sporting badges of the Matua Mahasangha.
The Matua community is not particularly pleased with this fawning by political parties. "Everybody can come here and seek Barama's blessings. We know that this huge gathering looks very attractive to all political parties. After all, people from across the state congregate here. However, we shall not allow any political party to use this platform for their own purposes," said Rabi Haldar, vice-president of the advisory committee to the Mahasangha and joint secretary of the mela committee.
"Gates and banners have been put up without the knowledge of the Mahasabha. We also do not like Barama's photographs being used by parties. We cannot prevent anybody from coming here but we can request political leaders to get in touch with the Mahasangha before trying to get in touch with the devotees."
The Matua community primarily consists of the lower castes who migrated from Bangladesh. They follow the teachings of Harichand and Guruchand Thakur. The latter's grandson Pramatha Ranjan Thakur gave up his practice as a barrister at Calcutta High Court to become the president of the Mahasangha. On March 13, 1948, he founded Thakurnagar after purchasing the land from one Janad Kumari Dasi.
Parties are falling over each other to woo the Mahasangha as the Matuas are one of the best organized communities in the country. The community is divided into registered groups of 500 in all districts, each having a dalapati (group head). Every group has to have a membership of at least 11. In villages where Matuas are fewer in number, heads of families are allotted membership cards with the names of family members. Every family has to pay Rs 5 per month or Rs 50 per year as membership fees. In this way, the Mahasangha keeps stock of all members of the community. No wonder, those in the Mahasangha wield considerable influence over the members.
"The Mahasangha does not have any political affiliation. We do not tell anybody to vote for a particular political party. However, the Mahasangha has the power to call upon all members and ask them to rally behind us for any cause that affects the community. This is why political parties find us so powerful," Haldar adds.
Matua leaders say that Trinamool MLA Jyotipriya Mullick has been by their side for years. In the last few months, others have joined in and extended largesse for development of the Thakurbari. Former MP Debabrata Biswas and MP Subrata Basu have donated Rs 15 lakh each towards setting up of an old-age home in the complex. Mamata has donated Rs 33 lakh towards renovation of the Thakurbari pond (known as Kamanasagar) where devotees take a dip. She has promised Rs 60 lakh more for the renovation.
The Matua leadership do not mind donations whether they are from politicians or community members. However, they firmly believe that today's politicians are a far cry from the likes of P R Thakur, who had been an MLA as well as an MP during his lifetime. There are problems of development within the community that no political party has been able to address. It seems that mere chin-wagging during the Baruni Mela will not suffice to woo the Matua voters.
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| From asru exhibiti... |
A sea of humanity has ascended on this small town on the Indo-bangla border of Thakur badi, some 1 km to the nearest railway station Thackur nagar. Conservative estimates put the flow of people at 7 and a half lakh and above. The mela or fair is organised every year in Thakur nagar of north 24 paraganas. Wondering what all of them do here take a dip in a small tank to get rid of diseases and bad omen.
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Being a Folklorist myself when I tried to dig into the legend involved there appeared a fabulous legend of folklore. The story is about Thakur, Harichand (1811-1877)and the Caste called Namasudras who were persecuted by the Muslims of east bengal and when in anticipation they came to west Bengal they faced persecution from Muslims as well as upper caste hindus. An upper caste Hindu himself the Thakur after whom the village and railway station are named stoop up and proclaimed that all hindus to that matter all humanity is one and there should be no discrimination whatever. He gave a mantra to fight HARI OM (Almighty the superior) along with a black stick to fight the persecutors.
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| From asru exhibiti... |
The mela falls on his birthday thirteenth day of Falgun 1214 of the Bangla calendar. He was born to, Yashomanta Thakur, and Maithili Brahmin and a devout Vaisnava inOrakandi of kashiani upazila in gopalganj (Greater faridpur) now Bangladesh.H H Harichand's doctrine is based on three basic principles-truth, love, and sanctity. The doctrine treats all people as equal; people are not seen according to castes or sects. Himself a Brahmin, he professed mixed with lower-caste people and treated them with the same dignity as he did other castes. This is why most of his followers believe H H Harichand to be an avatar (incarnation) of vishnu, and are from the lower strata of society. They used to affirm:Rama hari krisna hari hari gorachand. Sarba hari mile ei purna harichand (Rama is lord, Krishna is lord, lord is Chaitanyadev. But all of them make our Harichand, who is our lord.)H H Sri Sri Harichand left 12 instructions for the matuyas, known as Dvadash Ajna (Twelve Commands).
The victims of persecution Namasudras are spread all over India and on the eve of the mela they descent on this small town in lakhs if not a million. The town sees activity from the midnight of the 03rd April 2008 to 5th April and its an ocean of people everywhere chanting Haril Bol and hari Om to the drum beats and the bell beats. Its an auspicious 3 days of spirituality and naivette here in Thakur nagar of North 24 Paraganas some 70 kms to the capital Kolkata.
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H H Harichand did not believe in asceticism; he was more of a family man; and it is from within the family that he preached the word of God. He believed that 'Grhete thakiya yar hay bhaboday. Sei ye param sadhu janio nishchay' (the best ascetic is he who can express his devotion to God remaining a family man). He mobilised all the neglected sects and castes and inspired them to remain true to the openness of Hinduism.
H H Sri Sri Harichand died on Wednesday 23 Falgun, the year 1284 of the Bangla calendar.
Hindu bathing festival in Gopalganj, Bangladesh
The Maha Baruni Bath Festival of the believers of the Hindu religion at village Orakandi under Kashiani upazila in Gopalganj is one of the biggest festivals in Bangladesh. The fair is organised every year marking the birth anniversary of Hindu priest Sri Sri Harichand Thakur, who was born in the village.
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| From asru exhibiti... |
Thousands of pilgrims from across the country, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Thailand attended the festival.
Photos and Video of the Bengali "Asru Exhibition"
2 04 2008Photos and Video of the Bengali version of “Asru Exhibition” in Thakur Nagar, Thakurbadi, North 24 paraganas, West Bengal
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FACT in association with Hindu Samhati has organised an exhibition of the Persecution of Minorities in Bangladesh by the Islamic Fundamentalists. Ashru (tears), is an exhibition on the shocking persecution that has been and is being inflicted against the Hindus and other minorities in Bangladesh. The Exhibition shall go on 1st - 6th April, 2008, at Thakurnagar.
The exhibition coincides with the holy occasion of the birthday of Sri Sri Harichand Thakur - a great social and religious reformer of the 18th century and the founding Guru of the Matuya Sect (a Vaishnav Sect). The sect which primarily consists of the Namasudras a valiant Caste of Vaishanavites assembles in numbers as close to a million and raising every year to comemorate the fight against the persecution lead by H H Sri Sri Harichand Thackur in Bangladesh and India. The persecution inflicted by the Islamists was so unbearable that H H Sri Sri Harichand Thakur had to fight them.
The exhibition is organised at Thakurnagar in West Bengal and the occasion is the birthday (Janma tithi) of H H Sri Sri Harichand Thakur. The Exhibition was inaugurated by Sri Keshav Rao Dikshit, Senior Pracharak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The inauguration had the previlige of having Sri Aditya Roy, noted Social Activist, Sri Advocate Ratnoswar Sorkar Secretary All India Refugee Front, Sri Tathogatho Roy, Author, Ex MP Rajya Sabha, Sri Jagadish Sorkar, Councilor, Gobardanga.
” The the people and Govt of India have forgotten the plight of the refugees from the East pakistan / East Bengal while those from the west were accomodated and well compensated those from the east are still lagging in poverty” said Sri Ratnoswar Sorkar. The Refugee front he said would take every action possible to give the refugees their deserving right.
“Hindu Samhati is done a good begining with the Bangladeshi Minorities’ exhibition and I expect the Hindu Samhati to work among the lower classes of the society so that all classes of the society stand united to face any future challenges” Sri Adityo Roy. He added Hindu Unity is not possible without a conmbined effort and upliftment of the denied. The matuya sampraday had been deprived of upper class Hindus and that should never have happened when they were being persecuted by the Islamic fundamentalists.
“The head quarters of Matuya Sampraday in Bangladesh. He asked why the people of Orakandi, bangladesh are not able to come here at Thakur Nagar for this festival Matuya mela”. The Simple reason He said was they are not muslims and only Muslims are pampered with all favours in Bengal. In Bengal there are some individuals and organisations trying to hide the barborous torture by muslims against Hindus. As a result Matuyas of Orakandi took refuge at Thakur Nagar and this is the time to act and if we do not resist the Illegal migration of Bangladeshis the people of Thakurnagar have to become refugees in someother part of the country. There are so many Thakur nagars along the borders said Sri Tathogatho Roy.
We have had a torturous and attrocities victims with heavy hearts all over India. in India we were inflicted with this wounds for over 1000 years, but still we have not learnt any lessons. The partition of India, direct action in Bangladesh 1946 and many other incidents stand illustration of the aparthied against the Hindus. 40,000 women along with Rani padmini welcomed death in fire rather than the attrocious bad sight of the Muslims. Hindu Samati and organisations like this are the need of the hour to bravely stand up to the attrocities and say enough is enough and to speak the truth of actually what had happened. Sri Keshav rao Dixit
Israel should be an eye opener its a perfect case study for the Hindus.
“The attrocities against Hindus are endless and still our communist inspired media or the social and human right workers do not deem it fit to raise a voice against them. In the name of the secular garb the voice of the deprived is being shutdown, in the garb of fancy words like freedom of expression and speech and selective usage of them there has been a continuous effort to insult the Hindus” Sri tapon kumar Ghosh said.
The Organisation FACT stands for Foundation Against Continuing Terrorism and you all sitting here will be surprised to learn that the founder of this organisation is a French journalist who has been living in India for more than three decades. It also reminds us of how denied and in deep slumber we Hindus are, that a foreigner has to take up the fight on our behalf. Ofcourse it is another thing that he is more Hindu than most of us. Tapon kumar Gosh
About the Mela and the Man behind it.
Thakur, Harichand (1811-1877) a Hindu votary and founder of the matuya sect, was born in Orakandi of kashiani upazila in gopalganj (Greater faridpur) on the thirteenth day of Falgun 1214 of the Bangla calendar. His father, Yashomanta Thakur, was a Maithili Brahmin and a devout Vaisnava.
H H Harichand received little formal education. After completing his initial schooling in a pathshala, he attended school for only a few months. He then started spending his time with shepherds and cowboys and roamed with them from one place to another. He started changing from this time. He was loved by all of his friends for his physical beauty, naivete, love for music and philanthropic attitude. He could also sing bhajan (devotional songs).
H H Harichand’s doctrine is based on three basic principles-truth, love, and sanctity. The doctrine treats all people as equal; people are not seen according to castes or sects. Himself a Brahmin, he professed mixed with lower-caste people and treated them with the same dignity as he did other castes. This is why most of his followers believe H H Harichand to be an avatar (incarnation) of vishnu, and are from the lower strata of society. They used to affirm: Rama hari krisna hari hari gorachand. Sarba hari mile ei purna harichand (Rama is lord, Krishna is lord, lord is Chaitanyadev. But all of them make our Harichand, who is our lord.)
Harichand did not believe in asceticism; he was more of a family man; and it is from within the family that he preached the word of God. He believed that ‘Grhete thakiya yar hay bhaboday. Sei ye param sadhu janio nishchay‘ (the best ascetic is he who can express his devotion to God remaining a family man). He mobilised all the neglected sects and castes and inspired them to remain true to the openness of Hinduism.
H H Sri Sri Harichand left 12 instructions for the matuyas, known as Dvadash Ajna (Twelve Commands):
1. always speak the truth,
2. respect your parents like gods,
3. treat woman as your mother,
4. love the world,
5. remain liberal to all the religions,
6. never discriminate on racial counts,
7. try to establish Harimandir (temple of the Lord),
8. sit in prayer everyday,
9. Sacrifice your self for God,
10. do not practice asceticism in a garb,
11. hold the six cardinal passions in check, and
12. utter the name of your Lord while working with your hand.
H H Sri Sri Harichand died on Wednesday 23 Falgun, the year 1284 of the Bangla calendar.
Hindu bathing festival in Gopalganj, Bangladesh
The Maha Baruni Bath Festival of the believers of the Hindu religion at village Orakandi under Kashiani upazila in Gopalganj is one of the biggest festivals in Bangladesh. The fair is organised every year marking the birth anniversary of Hindu priest Sri Sri Harichand Thakur, who was born in the village.
Thousands of pilgrims from across the country, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Thailand attended the festival.
Sunday, May 21, 2006
The Eastern Regions
Like Punjab in the northwest, the region of Bengal in the east saw large-scale conversions to Islam[1]. The causes of the Punjab conversions have been discussed earlier…before discussing the causes in Bengal it is appropriate to study the politico-military background of Bengal.
The Palas
In the latter half of the 8th Century CE, while the Pratihars were rising to power in the west and the Rashtrakutas had emerged in the south, the family of Palas came to dominate the east. The first King Gopala was one of the many chieftains in the former kingdom of Gauda that had disintegrated a century ago. To end the prevailing anarchy, the chiefs and people of Bengal elected Gopala to be their sovereign in the light of his military and leadership abilities.
It was an event unique in the history of India and afforded a striking contrast to the rise of the other two contemporary powers—the Rashtrakutas usurped power from their Chalukya overlords while the Pratihars emerged as leaders of a confederacy of clans[2] that defeated the Arab invaders. And unlike the other two, the Palas[3] were devoted to Buddhism, which had first risen to prominence more than a thousand years earlier in this very region.
A running conflict between the Rashtrakutas and the Pratihars created a political vacuum in North India, which was temporarily filled by Dharmapala who led his forces up to the Punjab (in the west) and Nepal (in the north), and is said to have held a grand durbar at Kannauj. But these campaigns did not add any lands to the Pala dominions which remained around Radha (West Bengal), Vanga (East Bengal), Magadha (Bihar), and Gopala’s ancestral lands of Varendri (North Bengal). Dharmapala suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the Pratihars in a battle fought at Monghyr, deep in his own dominions—but a Rashtrakuta invasion of the Pratihar lands again saved the Palas.
Devpala in the 9th Century repeated his father’s feat by leading an army into Punjab and further north into the lands of Kamboja (near the Indus). But no territory was gained in this campaign—even the neighboring kingdoms of Kamarupa (Assam) and Utkal (Orissa) were only compelled to render tribute. The two successors of Devapala were more religious-minded and in that period the Pratihars annexed both Magadha and Varendri while Kamarupa and Utkal also resumed independence.
To make matters worse feudatories of the Palas also carved out their own states like the Chandras of East Bengal and the Kambojas of Radha—the latter are believed to be descendants of the Kamboja officers and men that had joined the army of Devapala during his campaign in their country near the Indus. A small Pala state was all that was left of the former empire.
More than a century later in 988 CE this small state recovered some of its power under Mahipala. This was the age of the Ghaznavid invasions in the north and of the Chola expansion in the south—Rajendra Chola defeated several kings then ruling in Bengal and took the holy water of the River Ganga to purify his dominions. The later Palas did not reach the power of their forefathers and political unity to the eastern regions was provided by a new family, the Senas.
The Senas and the Sultans
These were feudatories of the Palas and had come from the south (Karnata-Kshatriyas) but became independent around 1050 CE. Vijaysena acquired complete control over Bengal and Bihar and fought with the neighboring kings of Kamarupa and Kannauj (the Gahadvals)—he also established a second capital at Navadwipa (Nadiya). The Sena rulers continued the tradition of tolerance and practiced Shaivism and Vaishnavism while also patronizing other religions. In 1178 Lakshmansena ascended the throne and completed the subjugation of the last Pala kings—interestingly he also fought against Jaichandra Gahadval[4] of Kannauj.
This period coincided with the invasion of Kannauj by Muhammad Ghori (1194)—one of his ambitious Turk officers, Muhammad Bakhtyar Khalji, was posted in the newly-conquered region of Awadh. From this base in 1200 CE he raided the Sena lands and gradually built up his wealth and recruited more soldiers—taking permission of Qutb-ud-din Aibak he invaded the town of Odantapuri, which had several Viharas (monasteries) that he destroyed and shaven-headed monks (Buddhists) whom he slaughtered. The region was henceforth given the name of Bihar (a corruption of Vihara). Within a year he entered the Sena capital Nadiya in the guise of a horse-merchant and cleared the way for the 10,000 Turk cavalry that had surreptitiously laid siege to the city.
Lakshmansena abandoned this capital and retreated to eastern Bengal where his descendants continued to resist the Turk incursions for another half century. By this time the Delhi Turks had become engrossed in the war against the numerous Rajput chieftains in the former kingdoms of Ajmer and Kannauj—from his new capital of Lakhnawati, Khalji and his men sought to establish an independent state but were defeated. Subsequent governors of the eastern regions were appointed by the Delhi Sultans but some founded their own dynasties and others were overthrown by their ministers—what was common between these dynasties was their desire for independence from the Delhi Sultanate.
In the continuing conflict with their overlords in Delhi, the Sultans of Bengal founded new cities further east like Satgaon (Hooghly district) and Sonargaon (Dacca district). They also annexed portions of Sylhet and Tripura and carried out attacks on other regions of the east with little success. The old feudatories of the Palas and Senas must have been part of the Sultanate administration because, in another unique event, one of them usurped power briefly from the Muslim ruler. Raja Ganesa, pronounced Kans in the Muslim records, continued the old administration of Bengal for seven years in the early 15th Century with the help of other Hindu and Muslim nobles[5].
Until the Mughal conquest though, the control of the Sultans remained firm only over the eastern plains of Bengal. But in this region the people were completely converted to Islam.
Cause of conversions
The large Muslim populations in Punjab and Bengal, as against the lesser proportions in the UP region, which was the center of Islamic power, have been the basis of heated debates from the 19th Century. Qazi Abdul Wadud, in his book The Mussalmans of Bengal, claimed that large numbers of foreign Muslims came to Bengal as soldiers and administrators and that the Pathans in a later age also colonized large areas in Bengal. In his view then the Bengali Muslims were of foreign origin—but the reason why many local Muslims claim foreign origin has been given in this earlier post.
The leftist view, voiced by Richard Eaton, is that ethnic groups only lightly exposed to “Brahmanical culture” converted to Islam. In the northwest it were the Pathans and the Baloch, in Punjab the Jat clans, and in Bengal it were the Rajbanshi, Koch, Pod, and Chandal communities. But this does not explain why the same Koch or Rajbansis remained true to their ancestral faith in Cooch Behar, Assam, Tripura? And in the case of Punjab why did the same Jat clans east of Lahore not convert to Islam?
In fact the conquest of the Shahi lands (in Punjab) was successfully completed and the conquest of the Sena lands (in Bengal) was also completed by the end of the 13th Century, major resistance ceased and the people were thus forcibly converted to Islam. By contrast the conquest of Ajmer and Kannauj remained unfinished for a long time—these two kingdoms and the adjoining regions formed the heartland of the Rajput resistance. The entire land was an arena of the “back and forth” battles—the Turks would capture a fort, then lose it to the Rajputs, capture it again, and lose it again[6]. Such contests were repeated in a hundred forts spread across the heart of North India. As has been shown in another post all resistance is linked together, and so in this region the resistance of villagers was far stronger than in Punjab or Bengal. For these reasons, even though the sword of Islam was active in this region, there were few conversions to Islam because that sword was not successful.
As has been shown in the case of Punjab, only the regions where Hindus were politically dominant and militarily strong did they remain true to their ancestral faith. Politically, eastern Bengal was completely conquered by the Turks but we need to see the reasons why the local warriors could not continue a military resistance? Or why the plains of Bengal had an entirely different history than the plains of Bihar?
Military developments
The renowned historian Jadunath Sarkar, a Bengali himself, wrote[7], “Bengal has no indigenous race capable of the long continued exertion, the ready submission to discipline, the concerted action in large bodies, and the cool and steady fighting that are required in resisting the hardier races of invaders.”
This was of course written for a later age because the Palas and the Senas had comparable military power with their contemporaries in other parts of India—what is interesting is the varying composition of this military power. In the Gwalior inscription describing their victory over the Palas, the Pratihars have recorded the Pala army as having dense masses of elephants, horses, and chariots. Chariots! The vehicle of war that had disappeared from most parts of the world was still being used by the rulers of eastern India.
The Arab merchant Sulaiman (850 CE) has recorded that the Pala kings were at continuous war with their neighbors and that they took 50,000 elephants in each campaign. By contrast the Pratihars are described by the same author as having the best cavalry in India augmented by elephants, camels, and infantry. The Arab writers describe the Rashtrakuta troops as mostly infantry but with units of elephants and cavalry—the latter being imported through the Arab merchants.
Horses have been bred in the relatively dry parts of western and northern India, which was the home of the Pratihars, but were never found in the humid regions of the east, the land of the Palas. That area has been the breeding ground of the best elephants found in India and quite naturally has been home to empires that fielded large squadrons of elephants, beginning with Magadha and the Mauryas. Before the elephants became important, the kingdoms in northern India had relied on chariots, and the eastern empires continued this reliance even though they had to import horses to pull these chariots.
So it isn’t surprising that the Palas a thousand years later had large elephant forces but it is puzzling why they continued using chariots when those horses could have been used to boost their limited cavalry. But this tradition of using chariots continued in the east—the later Palas in the 11th Century defeated the Varman kings of eastern Bengal and took from them chariots and elephants as booty. For this same reason the cavalry of the Sena kings was very deficient and proved to be their doom against the heavy cavalry and mobile archery of the Turk invaders.
By contrast the kingdoms of Ajmer and Kannauj had adequate cavalry, but they also had large contingents of elephants and infantry—these varying arms proved difficult to coordinate when faced by mobile archery and cavalry maneuvers. But their proficiency in cavalry allowed the Rajputs to continue the resistance from the innumerable forts and strongholds. This did not happen in the east.
The broken remnants of the Sena power continued to resist the Turks who had established their capital in Lakhnawati—in one such battle the Turks are said to have captured a few elephants from the Senas. Concurrent with foreign invasions the Sena Kingdom was also breaking from within, and the Deva dynasty that usurped power from them is said to have cooperated with Sultan Balban against the Turks of Lakhnawati. But they were ultimately defeated, their kingdom was annexed, and their people were converted to Islam.
Some Hindu principalities remained in the western portion of Bengal bordering Orissa and Jharkhand—this region had outcrops of hills covered with jungles. Their military power was inadequate because of the lack of cavalry—they did not even have the resources to maintain elephant forces and consequently their troops were mostly infantry. These principalities were of no consequence to the Bengal Sultans who fought mostly against outside independent powers like Orissa, Assam, Myanmar, and their own overlords of Delhi. But they were useful in guiding armies through the jungle roads, providing supplies to those armies, and in defending their own homes from invaders. Late in the 17th Century Shova Singh, the Zamindar of Chatwa-Barda in the Medinipur district plundered the lands of his neighbors and the Mughal territories before he was killed and his army defeated by the Mughal prince Azim-ush-shan.
So even when politically inconsequential, these principalities at least had minimal military strength to keep their own people free. For this reason people in the western areas of Bengal remained with their ancestral faith and traditions.
Under the Sultans the forts of the region, though built of mud or clay, were effective in design in repelling invaders. The Rajputs in upper India adapted to the improved construction of forts that had taken place in Muslim and Christian lands and built some magnificent forts of their own in this period, but the indigenous Bengalis in the east could not do the same. The Bengal Sultans also adapted to the use of naval flotillas in the numerous rivers, and in defensive wars against armies from upper India or in the invasions of Assam—these naval wars will be described later. The Turks in Bengal also adapted the use of elephants in their own armies as they had done earlier in Punjab and Delhi.
It remains to study the use of infantry. Jadunath Sarkar again wrote “the army of the Nawabs of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa…was filled entirely with Afghans and Hindu foot-musketeers of Buxar, with a sprinkling of Sayyids of Barha…and Bahelia musketeers from Awadh.” In other words the indigenous Bengalis did not form any part of the army of the Nawabs or of the British who succeeded them. On the other hand Hindus from Bihar and UP dominated both the Nawab’s and the British infantry—which again brings up the question of why the plains of Bihar were different from the plains of Bengal when both were under the same rulers?
[1] The eastern portion of Bengal and parts of Assam are today’s Islamic state of Bangladesh.
[2] The other clans were the Guhilots, Chauhans, Parmars, and Chaulukyas.
[3] The descendants of Gopala (cow-protector) turned the latter part of his name into a hereditary family surname. In the same way as the descendants of Chandra Gupta had made Gupta a hereditary surname in an earlier age.
[4] Jaichandra’s contemporary Prithviraj fought against the Muslims, the Chaulukyas of Gujarat, and the Chandellas of Kalinjar (in Madhya Pradesh state). In a later work, Jaichand and Prithviraj were considered enemies whose “infighting” caused their defeats against the Turk invaders!
[5] But the fact that he was not a Muslim was repugnant to a local Muslim saint, Nur Qutb-ul-Alam, who called on the neighboring Sultan of Jaunpur to invade Bengal and “save Islam”. Raja Ganesa met the saint who agreed to ward off the invasion only after Ganesa’s son converted to Islam and became Sultan Jalal-ud-din.
[6] In another version of these “back and forth” battles the Turks would fit out a large army and besiege a Rajput fort. Failing to conquer the fort they would impose tribute and march away, and immediately the Rajputs would stop payment of that tribute, forcing the Turks to again go through the same cycle with little hope of ultimate success.
'Absence of a strong Dalit movement makes a big difference in Gujarat'
An Interview With Dr. Christophe Jaffrelot
Dr. Christophe Jaffrelot is Director of CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS in Paris.
Anoop Kumar here interacts with Dr. Jaffrelot on Indian politics, communalism and Dalit Movement.
You have been consistently writing on the rise of Hindu nationalism in the country. Recently, we all saw Tehelka’s expose´ of the involvement of the State in the Gujarat pogrom. The whole country felt the shock. However, the Congress government did not respond at all. Even the Left gave a much muted response. Most of us have been outraged. We knew everything; nothing new came out in this expose´ and yet, it was shocking for us.
Yeah, the Left and the Centre have remained silent, except Sonia Gandhi and Digvijay Singh who spoke about the “hindu terrorists”. I was in Ahmedabad recently to investigate about these issues. Talking about Tehelka, talking about Godhra and the riots has, in fact, helped Narendra Modi.
Dallying with these issues has polarized the electorate and has made the hindus vote more for the BJP. To my mind, there are two trends in Gujarat which are now very deeply rooted. On the one hand, this state is doing better than many other states economically. People have developed a culture of economic achievements. They are only after money and are much more interested in a managerial form of government rather than democracy.
So, is this the only reason for the communalization of Gujarat?
This is only one aspect. The second aspect is the other side of the same coin. This lack of interest in democracy creates a situation where we don’t care for social harmony, for communal harmony, for resource re-distribution.
And Muslims are, in that sense, the first casualty. They are considered to be a liability and are still perceived to be a threat. Terrorism is a catch word whose subtext is anti- Muslim.
And so, you are more money-oriented, more materialistic, less democratic and you don’t care for the minorities. You don’t care for the rule of law. What worries me most is the fact that the rule of law is in a bad shape in this state. This state is going the authoritarian way, people are intimidated, cultural policing is developing everywhere, the Patel girls cannot marry anybody, they are ‘rescued’ by Bajrang Dal and the MS University, Baroda, cannot develop the kind of art they want to develop.
Can you believe that Prof. Panniker is now sitting in Delhi, unable to work and his student Chandramohan is in Kerala without a degree?!This is showing a new India, a new face of India. But if the Left and the Congress are not taking any strong stand against the hindutva forces there, it is because they know that if they want to win the coming elections, they have to be soft on these issues.
But don’t you think that this soft pedaling won’t help?
Gandhi would say and that is one of the things he got right - the end is in the means. If in order to win elections you just have a soft hindutva approach - you don’t nominate Muslim candidates, don’t highlight communal issues and you also highlight issues like terrorism that Modi is highlighting, then you take the risk of becoming like him. Means and ends cannot be divorced.
So, I agree it might be a self-defeating approach that the local Congress has adopted – Sonia Gandhi and Digvijay Singh did otherwise. It might be committing suicide in the long run but this is the tactical decision that Congress and others have made.
Gujarat has a history of anti-reservation riots against Dalits and Backwards in the early 80s and from then onwards, this anti-Muslim propaganda has started. Do you see any kind of linkages between the two?
Yes, of course. The two points that I have mentioned are applicable here also. On the one hand, you have meritocracy, an economy-oriented approach towards politics, so you have to work hard. This is the work ethics. And on the other hand, you don’t want these minorities- Dalits, Muslims- to really get their share.
How come, then, the RSS or the Hindutva forces in Gujarat, are able to brainwash some of the Dalits and Tribals to involve themselves in riots against Muslims?
To my mind, the main problem in Gujarat is that there is no strong Dalit movement; there is no Dalit consciousness in Gujarat. It is just not there. We cannot find many Ambedkarites in Gujarat.Another state where there is no Dalit movement is West Bengal. Another state where Dalits and Muslims have been at the receiving ends both in education and in jobs, in spite of the large concentration of both Muslims and Dalit population. I will just give you an example from my own experience of JNU, where a large number of Bengali students come but one can hardly find any Bengali Dalit student among them. You will find Dalit students from UP, from Maharashtra, from Tamil Nadu, from Andhra but hardly any from Bengal.
Well, first of all, you have to explain this very peculiar situation, where the Left-led state is neither Dalit-oriented, nor Muslim-oriented, as communists don’t believe in caste or community, they believe in class! And, therefore, they don’t want to take caste into account. But, it can also be very convenient. It means that the bhadralok can continue to rule by saying that they don’t believe in caste. In a way, the leftist leaders are saying: “Well, forget about your caste; be with us as members of the proletariat”. This enables them to remain in power. In fact, the social profile of CPI (M) leadership in West Bengal shows that most of them are from very elite ‘upper’ caste backgrounds.
What is your opinion about the Nandigram issue and the role of the Left-led West Bengal Government?
So far, it was not bad at all since the Left-led government had implemented some land reforms in Bengal and was truly secular. When there are 25% Muslims in the state and there have been no riots against them for such a long time, it means that something has really been taken care of. The problem is that with this new CM Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the situation is changing.
And this is changing not only because of him but because of the changes occurring in the larger context of Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization. You have to get industrialized and get investment from the private sector and how do you do that? You have to create SEZs, you have to go abroad and bring money back. And you do that at the expense of those who are tilling their lands, because you need to get their land at one point. It is part of his strategy, it is part of India’s strategy, it is part of Modi’s strategy.
SEZs have the same kind of compulsions. You have to remove the people from their lands and give away to those who have big money.
The most shocking thing that has happened in Nandigram is the fact that the state government has divided its own people into two- those who are with the party and those who are not with the party. And this feeling of Us and Them has resulted in such brutal repression. However, the opposition, including the Dalit activists, has always talked about the brutal ways with which the government has responded to them in the past.
This party still has many authoritarian features. It is not a democratic party in that sense. They are simply closing ranks and building enemies- be they the Naxalites, be they the imperialist foreign hands. They are not debating, investigating, introspecting. There should be some soul searching exercise after Nandigram. But this is not happening. That is why Delhi-based intellectuals are leaving the party. They have understood what French intellectuals understood in the 1960s. For decades, the French intellectuals swallowed the Communist propaganda - Stalin, the Czech coup, the Hungarian coup - but later they discovered that they had to withdraw from this nonsense. The next elections will be a test time for the CPI
(M) and as of now, the only change we can anticipate is in terms of policies because they will not be able to pursue the same polices they have been pursuing regarding SEZ. The entire handling of the Nandigram issue is sad, as it will weaken the secular forces at the Centre. And in the state, there is no alternative. Whom will you turn to- Trinamool Congress, Congress or BJP? And again, there is no Dalit party.
In both Kerala and West Bengal, Dalit consciousness is weak despite both the states having a history of very strong Dalit and anti-caste movements like the Namashudra movement and the Rajbansis movement of West Bengal and Ayyankali and Narayana Guru-led movements in Kerala.
But do you think these were Ambedkarite movements? There is a difference. Like the Arya Samaj movement, these movements were more sanskritisation-oriented. They could be very easily co-opted. In fact, they have been co-opted. We cannot call them Dalit movements. May be the Adi-Dharmi movement in Punjab was slightly different but take the example of Narayana Guru’s movement of Kerala. BJP-RSS is very happy with him.
Yeah, they take the example of Narayana Guru and tell Dalits that is the way for their emancipation to remain in the Hindu fold.
Exactly. It is very interesting.
Coming back to the question of an alternative political force, how do you envisage the role of Dalit politics?
The need of Dalit politics can be best understood when you analyze the socio-political situation of states where there is no Dalit politics. Absence of a strong Dalit movement makes a big difference in Gujarat and in West Bengal.
Since the last so many years, you have been visiting and writing extensively on Dalits in India. A Dalit woman is now ruling one of the very important states. Dalit movement post-90s has come a long way. What is your opinion about it?
Dalit movement is definitely on the rise and we must try to understand the reasons behind that. The turning point, for me, is 1989. In 1989, the BSP did better than the BJP in UP. Reservation policies, at last, enabled the Dalit community to get leaders and this is the most important thing you need. Some of these leaders, Kanshi Ram and his colleagues, built organizations (BAMCEF, DS4, BSP) by adapting Ambedkar’s thought to the present situation.
Kanshi Ram to my mind is a true Ambedkarite, in the sense that he has really adapted the motto, the ideas, the technique, and the pragmatic approach of politics that Ambedkar had evolved. You make alliances with whoever you can, just to climb a ladder. When you reach a point, get rid of these people.
Why not? It is certainly offensive but remember, Ambedkar in the Viceroy Council in 1940s had said that I am not cooperating with the imperialist but I am helping my people. Kanshi Ram was not cooperating with the BJP; he was preparing the ground for the next step.
But we must not focus only on the leaders and their tactics. The main point lies certainly in their ground work. Kanshi Ram toured the country for so many years, formed the BAMCEF and created a class of politically-conscious Dalits.
Do you think the anti-Mandal agitation of the early 90s galvanized the Dalits? It was the first time that caste was debated in the public platform?
It was a plus point but the momentum was always there. In 1989, BSP secured 11 percent votes in UP and this was pre-Mandal. But, of course, Mandal accelerated the process.
Coming back to the anti-Mandal agitation, we had organized youth rallies in favour of Reservation for the OBCs in 2006. However, the participation of OBC students and youth was very less. They are not there with us when we fight, when we organize. They seem to be completely absent in all public spaces. Hence, within the Dalit movement, there are several voices which opposed many of us, saying that it is the OBCs who are exploiting the Dalits in the villages and, above all, they are not coming forward for their own interest. What do you have to say on this?
‘OBC’ is not a homogenous category, possibly because they do not suffer from the same stigma as the Dalits, whose ancestors have been seen as ‘‘Untouchables” for so many centuries. Also, OBCs – and this is related to the previous point - did not get an Ambedkar. They don’t have many intellectuals either. There are some Socialist intellectuals who are, of course, pro-Reservation but at the same time, they are not so comfortable with caste.
This is a big challenge for Dalit activists, as you have to find partners among OBCs in this battle. You have to identify them. I think it has to be done at the caste level rather than at the OBC level. You will not find an OBC movement. But one may certainly find caste associations which are politically- conscious. In UP and Bihar, you now have Yadavs, Kurmis and Lodhis aligning themselves with different leaders.
Yes. There have been such instances. In Delhi, there are such caste organizations like those of malis and mauryas, who have started sharing their platforms with Dalit activists on anti-brahminism agendas.
True. Dalit movement must target a pan-Indian OBC caste like malis. Unlike castes which are state-specific, they cannot be parochial. Also, malis have a national hero - Jotiba Phule, who also means a lot for Dalits. OBC is a very heterogeneous category. In fact, the Indian state has been diluting this category by adding more castes to it.
Diluting the OBC category is one ploy to obstruct the growing anti-brahminical agenda. Another ploy is to aggravate and highlight the contradictions among the non-‘upper’ caste communities. The biggest example of the same is the sensational coverage of the gujjar-meena confrontation in Rajasthan by the mainstream media. Actually it was media which flamed that. They carried inflammatory interviews and aired them 24x7. The national dailies printed such photographs like that of three meena youths, riding a bike and brandishing revolvers on their first page. Then, they gave the impression to the whole country that Reservation is dividing the society and is leading to a civil war!
Either you stuff new castes in these categories to just make it loose any meaning or you show how Reservation based caste wars are weakening India. These are deliberate acts to create public opinion against Reservations. When it will come to the question of Reservation in the private sector, they will say, look, this is creating this mess, let us get rid of Reservation. But what is the alternative? Reservation is not the panacea, we all know that. If we can do without Reservations, we will be very happy but there is no alternative. Do something different and above all, stop discriminating on the basis of caste.
There is a growing trend, especially in the mainstream media, to glorify ‘Indian youth’ by creating it’s image as a homogenous category, that is nationalist yet progressive, secular, anti-caste and gender-neutral. In such a situation, do you foresee any such youth movement that is against the hegemonic and exploitative structures of the society like caste, communalism and patriarchy?
No, I don’t think so. I don’t think that there can be a homogenous youth movement. The youth is heavily divided between caste and class. The youth of middleclass is first of all middle-class. They don’t involve themselves in social movements. There parents might have had some kind of social consciousness. But today’s middle-class youth runs after money, wants to have a good life, travel abroad and just doesn’t care. All these people will live behind the big walls, in “golden ghettoes” with private hospitals, private schools. It is the youth more than the elderly people who are doing that.
Therefore, to my mind, the only solution is to lobby and put pressure on these people and to show them that the only way to defuse tensions which may make the Indian train derail is to make concessions. If they fear for the growth rate, then they will do something. You cannot rely on their generosity; you cannot rely on their goodwill alone. They have never enough for themselves. You have to achieve the bargaining power. And this was precisely the strategy of Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram. You build a political force and then you bargain.
What do you think about the Dalit student’s movement?
Well, what I have seen in universities like JNU or Pune University is striking. This is not only a social movement but a kind of brain power. It is important for the Dalit movement to have young leaders who are so articulate, because in the end, it will acquire maturity and have a nation-wide impact. For the moment, you don’t hear too many Dalit voices.
Look at the newspapers. Who are the Dalits whom we hear? We hardly come across the arguments of Dalit intellectuals on, say, Reservation. There are Dalit intellectuals but they have been made invisible. They are only interviewed on events. Dalit students are articulating thought processes which will definitely make a difference in the near future. May be, one day, India will not need any Dalit movement any more; caste will be gone. This is the aim, no?
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In This Issue
Editorial Team
The university space is more liberal than the rest of the country in terms of caste?
Sadgati clip
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Slideshow
Archive
Responses
Me and some of my friends would like to know a certain thing : who was the high caste bengali student who didnt want a Dalit for a room mate.
As far as we think, when someone chooses their room mate, what they see is if they can get along well with each other. Did anyone ask someone his/her caste while doing so?
A reply will be appreciated.
Thank you,
Shukti
From the Editor:
As far as we think, when someone chooses their room mate, what they see is if they can get along well with each other. Did anyone ask someone his/her caste while doing so?
A reply: As far as the editors are concerned, we sincerely do not know of any such case where a bengali upper caste student refusing to share rooms with a Bengali Dalit student 'citing' (if one would really cite it) the particularity of caste differences. but that is definitely not a claim made in the survey report. let us take a look at was being claimed in the report:
We share rooms with people whom we are comfortable with. That is definitely true.
*But a survey of shared rooms in the 3 hostels indicates that in over 70% of the shared rooms, the roommates are of the same caste.*
Though choice of roommate may be made on the basis of linguistic or religious or course wise uniformity, it remains a question whether a Bengali Higher caste student (to take one example) would share a room with another Bengali Dalit student. Cultural differences are significant in such choices but these differences might just preclude caste differences too.
the example is clearly a hypothetical situation drawn up to explicate the point that among people who are obviously sharing rooms with people from the same linguistic community, there is a peculiarity of caste uniformity observed. again as we choose roommates with whom we are comfortable with or as shukti put it, we "get along well with", the 'comfort' or 'getting along well with' is definitely a quotient of our situated and historical realities. that would be why a Bengali student necessarily shares rooms with a Bengali student or majority of Arabic participants share rooms with each other. so much as we continue denying it presently, (and this is exactly what we were planning to counter when we claimed to attack caste neutrality in the journal) the claim made in the survey report was specifically addressed to the fact that the getting along well with is not as innocent as it seems. this yet again does not indicate a proliferation of caste considerations at the level of primary intentionality in choosing roommates. that was clearly not the point made and this does not require explication, it was more than obvious from the language. but the fact that our 'traditional' practices seem to be repeated even in our 'modern' setups requires serious analysis and thought if we are really to track caste or any other inequality in its real sites and contexts which seem to have a certain capacity of reiterability as is clear from our present conditions-there is no Dalit professor or 40%-50% of group D employees are Dalits.
We ask the rest of the class if they really can think of any 'concrete' reason as to why such a huge majority of shared rooms in the university have people from the same caste?
if the unconscious cannot be brought to test, criticism can hardly proceed after a point. that in itself is a difficult task. perhaps a few people we have read might help us to deal with this.
We hope this is a satisfactory reply. we can off-course take the qustion to the next class and bring out the 'uglier' dimesions. we, the editors would be more than happy to respond and it also bears upon us to do so.
Thanks,
Geetanjali
Ria
Jimmy
Ritam
Asmita.
Thank you for the reply.
If there is proper study to back up the statement, it is fine. I was just curious because many of the people I know here have roommates who are not from the same caste, or same linguistic or cultural community, and sometimes not from the same religion. But since the situation is hypothetical, I would like to state that it becomes a bit complicated for us to understand the statement without an explaination.
Caste consciousness may be importatnt in some cases, but I think what really matters is a common course or a common language, or geographical proximity. Some of the people I know come from the same linguistic community yet have a huge difference in lifestyle and opinions. An M.A. english student will naturally look for an M.A. participant as a roommate. As for the case of Arabic, I think since most of them come from one particular religion, their roommates obviously will be Muslims.
I guess what matters is the friends circle. Probably that is why not all people who belong to the same community hang out together.
I understand that the aim of the survey was to say that "choosing a roommate is not an innocent phenomenon." But in order to genralize a hypothetical situation, I think other perspectives should also be considered. It is also important taht facts should be made available(cite specific examples, who stays with whom and what are their castes.)
I think the survey/study should be made available to end such confusions. If we can have a look at it, it will help us to clarify. It is not a request from me but from many of my friends who find it difficult to agree with the claims. With specific examples, the claims can be justified.
Thanks,
Shukti
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